Friday, February 27, 2009
Wednesday, February 25, 2009
Statement by the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe, The Right Honourable
Members of the Diplomatic Corps and the Press, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Fellow Zimbabweans;
Today, I want to take this opportunity to highlight developments
within the Transitional Government a mere two weeks after my
inauguration as Prime Minister of Zimbabwe.
Firstly, I would like to commend the Ministers for the work they have
been doing in the very short time that they have been in office.
They have managed to begin to address some of the many issues facing
the country and I am encouraged by the open and constructive debates
within Cabinet and the Council of Ministers.
In particular, I would like to recognise the efforts of the
Ministries of Health, Education and Finance. The latter has mobilised
funds that have enabled this government to pay the first round of
allowances to the civil service, particularly the army, police and
teachers.
Not only did this allow these valuable members of our community to put
food on their tables and travel to work, but has also served as a
vital stimulus to our ailing economy. Those who have not yet received
their allowance will do so in the near future.
In addition I have kept the SADC Chairman, President Motlanthe,
appraised of developments and today our ministers are meeting with
SADC ministers concerning the Zimbabwe recovery programme.
However, it is also my responsibility to bring to your attention a
number of outstanding issues that continue to act as an impediment to
our progress as a Government and our ability to truly resolve the
issues facing our country.
These are:
• The Appointment of Senior Government Officials, such as Permanent
Secretaries and Ambassadors
• The Appointment of the Governor of the Reserve Bank and the Attorney General
• The Appointment of Provincial Governors
Yesterday’s announcement of the appointment of Permanent Secretaries
is in contravention of both the Global Political Agreement and the
Constitution of Zimbabwe which is very clear with regard to Senior
Government Appointments.
It states in article 20.1.7 of the Eighth Schedule that:
“The Parties agree that with respect to occupants of senior Government
Positions, such as Permanent Secretaries and Ambassadors, the
leadership in Government, comprising the President, the
Vice-Presidents, the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Ministers, will
consult and agree on such prior to their appointment.”
No civil servant has the authority to make such appointments or
announcements, therefore the announcement of the Permanent Secretaries
has no force of law and is therefore null and void. The Permanent
Secretaries who were in position as of September 15th will remain in
post in an acting capacity until the matter is resolved.
This government will not allow a parallel force within its structures
or any unconstitutional or unilateral actions which serve to impede
progress.
It is also important that the appointments of the Governor of the
Reserve Bank, Gideon Gono and the Attorney General, Johannes Tomana
are dealt with and resolved immediately.
This is in line with the SADC communiqué issued in Pretoria on the
27th of January 2009, which states that “the appointments of the
Reserve Bank Governor and the Attorney General will be dealt with by
the Inclusive Government after its formation;”
Similarly the appointment of Provincial Governors is an issue that
must be resolved forthwith.
As long as these matters remain unresolved, it will be impossible for
the transitional government to move forward with the reforms that this
country so desperately needs.
Most significantly, the rule of law continues to be flouted by some
sectors of the community and this must stop immediately. In
particular, a new wave of disruptions of farming operations, in
contravention of the Memorandum of Understanding, is undermining our
ability to revive our agricultural sector and restore investor
confidence.
I have tasked the Ministers of Home Affairs, Giles Mutsekwa and Kembo
Mohadi, to bring the full weight of the law down on the perpetrators
who continue to act within a culture of impunity and entitlement. No
person in Zimbabwe is above the law.
With respect to detainees, the Principals to the Global Political
Agreement, namely myself, President Mugabe and Deputy Prime Minister
Mutambara, last week agreed that all political detainees who have been
formally charged with a crime should be released on bail and those
that have not been charged should be released unconditionally. This
has not yet happened.
Indeed, rather than allowing the judicial process to take its course
with regard to the granting of bail, the Attorney General’s office is
wilfully obstructing the release of all detainees by abusing the
appeal process and this must stop forthwith.
There have also been disputes over the mandates of various ministries.
While this is natural in a new transitional arrangement such as this,
issues of overlap and duplication will be resolved by my office.
With respect to the Ministry of Media, Information and Publicity and
the Ministry of Information, Communication Technology, the functions
of the former Department of Communication within the Ministry of
Transport and Communications shall be the responsibility of the new
Ministry of Information, Communication Technology.
Therefore, for avoidance of doubt, Telecommunications falls under this ministry.
Ladies and Gentlemen, there is only one government running Zimbabwe -
one government, with one vision and one agenda – democratisation and
stabilisation. There is no room for residual parallel structures that
attempt to manipulate the process and procedures of government for
personal or political gain.
I urge all members of the civil service to undertake their duties in a
professional and patriotic manner and in the spirit of the Global
Political Agreement and to the letter of the Constitution.
As a nation we still have a long way to travel until we are truly
free, democratic and prosperous. I am confident that by working
together we will achieve this goal.
The vast majority of members of the civil service and Cabinet are
eager to work together and I am encouraged by the momentum that this
government is developing towards finding solutions to the problems
facing the country.
I thank you.
Fellow Zimbabweans;
Today, I want to take this opportunity to highlight developments
within the Transitional Government a mere two weeks after my
inauguration as Prime Minister of Zimbabwe.
Firstly, I would like to commend the Ministers for the work they have
been doing in the very short time that they have been in office.
They have managed to begin to address some of the many issues facing
the country and I am encouraged by the open and constructive debates
within Cabinet and the Council of Ministers.
In particular, I would like to recognise the efforts of the
Ministries of Health, Education and Finance. The latter has mobilised
funds that have enabled this government to pay the first round of
allowances to the civil service, particularly the army, police and
teachers.
Not only did this allow these valuable members of our community to put
food on their tables and travel to work, but has also served as a
vital stimulus to our ailing economy. Those who have not yet received
their allowance will do so in the near future.
In addition I have kept the SADC Chairman, President Motlanthe,
appraised of developments and today our ministers are meeting with
SADC ministers concerning the Zimbabwe recovery programme.
However, it is also my responsibility to bring to your attention a
number of outstanding issues that continue to act as an impediment to
our progress as a Government and our ability to truly resolve the
issues facing our country.
These are:
• The Appointment of Senior Government Officials, such as Permanent
Secretaries and Ambassadors
• The Appointment of the Governor of the Reserve Bank and the Attorney General
• The Appointment of Provincial Governors
Yesterday’s announcement of the appointment of Permanent Secretaries
is in contravention of both the Global Political Agreement and the
Constitution of Zimbabwe which is very clear with regard to Senior
Government Appointments.
It states in article 20.1.7 of the Eighth Schedule that:
“The Parties agree that with respect to occupants of senior Government
Positions, such as Permanent Secretaries and Ambassadors, the
leadership in Government, comprising the President, the
Vice-Presidents, the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Ministers, will
consult and agree on such prior to their appointment.”
No civil servant has the authority to make such appointments or
announcements, therefore the announcement of the Permanent Secretaries
has no force of law and is therefore null and void. The Permanent
Secretaries who were in position as of September 15th will remain in
post in an acting capacity until the matter is resolved.
This government will not allow a parallel force within its structures
or any unconstitutional or unilateral actions which serve to impede
progress.
It is also important that the appointments of the Governor of the
Reserve Bank, Gideon Gono and the Attorney General, Johannes Tomana
are dealt with and resolved immediately.
This is in line with the SADC communiqué issued in Pretoria on the
27th of January 2009, which states that “the appointments of the
Reserve Bank Governor and the Attorney General will be dealt with by
the Inclusive Government after its formation;”
Similarly the appointment of Provincial Governors is an issue that
must be resolved forthwith.
As long as these matters remain unresolved, it will be impossible for
the transitional government to move forward with the reforms that this
country so desperately needs.
Most significantly, the rule of law continues to be flouted by some
sectors of the community and this must stop immediately. In
particular, a new wave of disruptions of farming operations, in
contravention of the Memorandum of Understanding, is undermining our
ability to revive our agricultural sector and restore investor
confidence.
I have tasked the Ministers of Home Affairs, Giles Mutsekwa and Kembo
Mohadi, to bring the full weight of the law down on the perpetrators
who continue to act within a culture of impunity and entitlement. No
person in Zimbabwe is above the law.
With respect to detainees, the Principals to the Global Political
Agreement, namely myself, President Mugabe and Deputy Prime Minister
Mutambara, last week agreed that all political detainees who have been
formally charged with a crime should be released on bail and those
that have not been charged should be released unconditionally. This
has not yet happened.
Indeed, rather than allowing the judicial process to take its course
with regard to the granting of bail, the Attorney General’s office is
wilfully obstructing the release of all detainees by abusing the
appeal process and this must stop forthwith.
There have also been disputes over the mandates of various ministries.
While this is natural in a new transitional arrangement such as this,
issues of overlap and duplication will be resolved by my office.
With respect to the Ministry of Media, Information and Publicity and
the Ministry of Information, Communication Technology, the functions
of the former Department of Communication within the Ministry of
Transport and Communications shall be the responsibility of the new
Ministry of Information, Communication Technology.
Therefore, for avoidance of doubt, Telecommunications falls under this ministry.
Ladies and Gentlemen, there is only one government running Zimbabwe -
one government, with one vision and one agenda – democratisation and
stabilisation. There is no room for residual parallel structures that
attempt to manipulate the process and procedures of government for
personal or political gain.
I urge all members of the civil service to undertake their duties in a
professional and patriotic manner and in the spirit of the Global
Political Agreement and to the letter of the Constitution.
As a nation we still have a long way to travel until we are truly
free, democratic and prosperous. I am confident that by working
together we will achieve this goal.
The vast majority of members of the civil service and Cabinet are
eager to work together and I am encouraged by the momentum that this
government is developing towards finding solutions to the problems
facing the country.
I thank you.
Monday, February 23, 2009
GLOBAL ZIMBABWE FORUM PRESS STATEMENT
Talks!
Tuesday, February 17, 2009
GZF Welcomes New Zimbabwe Unity Govt
RE: GZF Welcomes the New Zimbabwe Unity Government
At its last General Council meeting held on 14th February 2009, the Global Zimbabwe Forum (GZF) discussed the appointment of the Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Ministers, Ministers and Deputy Ministers, Governors and all other various issues related to the official launch of the government of national unity in Zimbabwe and resolved to issue the following statement:
The GZF would like to express its welcome to the official launch of the new government of national unity in Zimbabwe.
This is a positive but only the first step forward as we continue with the process of seeking a lasting and decisive solution to the nation’s crisis.
The setting up of the new government must be viewed not as an end in itself but more of as a means to the ultimate objective of attaining a truly democratic and prosperous Zimbabwe.
However, until all outstanding issues on the equal sharing of power are resolved, and until there is measurable evidence of an irreversible process toward a truly democratic dispensation, the return of the rule of law, among other issues, the targeted sanctions regime against the political elite in Zimbabwe must be maintained.
The GZF also calls for an immediate release of Roy Bennet, Jestina Mukoko and all other political prisoners and for the true establishment of an enabling environment for democracy, freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.
The GZF would like to once again raise its concerns at the secretive and exclusionary nature of the process that culminated in the setting up of the new government. It must be emphasized yet again that the political parties alone cannot be able to fully resolve the crisis in Zimbabwe. There is thus a need for an all inclusive public process of constructive national engagement in order to take the nation forward.
In particular, the GZF insists that the Zimbabwean Diaspora community needs also to actively participate specifically with regards to the process of adopting the new Zimbabwean Constitution and holding of fresh elections as proposed by the provisions of the global political agreement.
The GZF pledges to mobilize the Zimbabwean Diaspora community to actively support and participate in the entire transitional process and ensure that the nation moves forward from both a socio-economic and political perspective.
To this end the GZF will undertake the following measures:
1. To initiate a process of consulting the Zimbabwean Diaspora community over the implications of the GNU starting with a series of public meetings. The first one will be held in Johannesburg on 21st February 2009.
2. To meet with various new government leaders and officials especially the office of the Prime Minister, Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Home Affairs and the various diplomatic representative offices across the world. To this end, the GZF Co-ordinator is expected to travel to Harare by the end of February to meet the various new government leaders.
3. To fully participate in all the forums set up by various civil society movements both in Zimbabwe and abroad that seek to actively promote the successful implementation and monitoring of the key aspects of the global political agreement.
4. To develop a policy proposal document that will help to give a clear guideline on the broad expectations and fears of the Zimbabwean Diaspora community during this period of political transition.
May God bless our beautiful Zimbabwe!
Issued at Johannesburg, South Africa on Tuesday 17th February 2009
For any other queries or details, please feel free to contact the following persons:
Mr. Daniel Molokele
globalzimforum@yahoo.com +27 72 947 4815
Mr. Promise Mkwananzi
pmkwananzi@yahoo.co.uk +31 612 697 629
Prof. Stan Mukasa
mukasa@iup.edu +1 72 435 730 97
Tuesday, February 17, 2009
GZF Welcomes New Zimbabwe Unity Govt
RE: GZF Welcomes the New Zimbabwe Unity Government
At its last General Council meeting held on 14th February 2009, the Global Zimbabwe Forum (GZF) discussed the appointment of the Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Ministers, Ministers and Deputy Ministers, Governors and all other various issues related to the official launch of the government of national unity in Zimbabwe and resolved to issue the following statement:
The GZF would like to express its welcome to the official launch of the new government of national unity in Zimbabwe.
This is a positive but only the first step forward as we continue with the process of seeking a lasting and decisive solution to the nation’s crisis.
The setting up of the new government must be viewed not as an end in itself but more of as a means to the ultimate objective of attaining a truly democratic and prosperous Zimbabwe.
However, until all outstanding issues on the equal sharing of power are resolved, and until there is measurable evidence of an irreversible process toward a truly democratic dispensation, the return of the rule of law, among other issues, the targeted sanctions regime against the political elite in Zimbabwe must be maintained.
The GZF also calls for an immediate release of Roy Bennet, Jestina Mukoko and all other political prisoners and for the true establishment of an enabling environment for democracy, freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.
The GZF would like to once again raise its concerns at the secretive and exclusionary nature of the process that culminated in the setting up of the new government. It must be emphasized yet again that the political parties alone cannot be able to fully resolve the crisis in Zimbabwe. There is thus a need for an all inclusive public process of constructive national engagement in order to take the nation forward.
In particular, the GZF insists that the Zimbabwean Diaspora community needs also to actively participate specifically with regards to the process of adopting the new Zimbabwean Constitution and holding of fresh elections as proposed by the provisions of the global political agreement.
The GZF pledges to mobilize the Zimbabwean Diaspora community to actively support and participate in the entire transitional process and ensure that the nation moves forward from both a socio-economic and political perspective.
To this end the GZF will undertake the following measures:
1. To initiate a process of consulting the Zimbabwean Diaspora community over the implications of the GNU starting with a series of public meetings. The first one will be held in Johannesburg on 21st February 2009.
2. To meet with various new government leaders and officials especially the office of the Prime Minister, Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Home Affairs and the various diplomatic representative offices across the world. To this end, the GZF Co-ordinator is expected to travel to Harare by the end of February to meet the various new government leaders.
3. To fully participate in all the forums set up by various civil society movements both in Zimbabwe and abroad that seek to actively promote the successful implementation and monitoring of the key aspects of the global political agreement.
4. To develop a policy proposal document that will help to give a clear guideline on the broad expectations and fears of the Zimbabwean Diaspora community during this period of political transition.
May God bless our beautiful Zimbabwe!
Issued at Johannesburg, South Africa on Tuesday 17th February 2009
For any other queries or details, please feel free to contact the following persons:
Mr. Daniel Molokele
globalzimforum@yahoo.com +27 72 947 4815
Mr. Promise Mkwananzi
pmkwananzi@yahoo.co.uk +31 612 697 629
Prof. Stan Mukasa
mukasa@iup.edu +1 72 435 730 97
Monday, February 16, 2009
Dark forces at play in Zimbabwe
* 1. Mothlanthe left the country thinking Bennet had been released
* 2. ZANU Senior Ministers ordered Roy Bennet to be released
* 3. Military Chiefs absent from both swearing-in ceremonies
![]()
ZIMBABWE - HARARE - A struggle is under way – not with guns, at least not yet! But in every other way this is street fighting – building by building, street by street, close combat between two forces.
On the one side is the secret cabal that has run Zimbabwe since the quasi-military coup in 2002, when the military chiefs stated that they would not salute Mr. Tsvangirai if he were elected President.
On the other side is a peculiar coalition of forces, led by Mr. Tsvangirai but including elements of Zanu PF, civil society and even the armed forces themselves.
The Cabal was noticeably absent when the Prime Minister was sworn in – as were a number of other key players, this was not a coincidence.
The Commander of the Air Force has not been seen since the assassination attempt on him in Shamva, the others were all busy making mischief.
The most serious issue remains what role is the State President playing in this drama, if anything.
But however it is described we are seeing a situation where a small group is fighting back and trying to bring about a breakdown of the transitional government which has just been sworn in and on Monday will start to take charge.
The three key elements in this shadowy force are – the Reserve Bank (under Gono), the Ministry of Justice and the Attorney Generals Office and the Military and Police.
Gono is the paymaster and is funding this fight back using the very considerable resources at his command, the Ministry of Justice – or elements in the Ministry, is providing the “legal” justification and the armed forces, including senior elements in the Police, are executing the strategy and providing the muscle.
The legal ruse is the allegation – now totally discredited, that elements of the MDC are involved in “treason” in that they planned the violent over throw of the State. In fact the real situation is that it is the armed forces chiefs themselves who are trying to do so and in so doing are committing treason against the State.
For, no matter how you construct the transitional government, Zimbabwe now has a democratically elected government that is constitutional and legitimate. Any attempt therefore, to over throw the State by force, is an act of treason.
This fight is most clearly illustrated by the detention of Roy Bennett at Charles Prince Airport on Friday. Roy was hauled off the plane, bundled into a car and then driven at high speed to Mutare. The vehicles in which he was transported were followed by volunteers so that he could not just disappear in the same way that 42 others have in recent weeks.
When the news reached the Prime Minister he was already in consultation with regional leaders on another crisis regarding the appointment of Zanu PF Ministers and the matter was discussed. Senior Zanu PF Ministers agreed to order that Roy be released.
The President of South Africa left the country thinking that this had been done and a major diplomatic and political crisis (among many) averted. It was not so, whether or not such an order was given, the Police and the CIO did not release Roy, instead they announced he was to be charged with treason!
If the Ministers of State Security and Home Affairs did give the order for his release, then the government agencies that are accountable to them did not obey the order. If they did not give the order, they lied to the South African President and the Prime Minister and are part of, what is, in effect, a military coup.
The treatment of the 42 other abductees is further evidence of this defiance of the new order. They were clearly abducted illegally, held illegally in various State institutions, finally brought to Court and charged with various crimes involving absurd allegations, and denied bail. A number are still missing and are unaccounted for.
In one of his first actions, the Prime Minister visited them in the High Security Prison outside Harare and instructed that 4 be taken immediately to hospital for treatment.
Two of the four, including Jestina Mukoko are very ill with life threatening symptoms, they were then taken to hospital and in the evening, they were taken by force from the hospital back to prison in clear defiance of the Prime Ministers instructions.
Many other battles are being fought – the coup plotters have people in key places all over government and they are clearly working together. The question is can they win this struggle. I do not think so.
They are up against the majority of the people, a democratically elected government negotiated with the support of the entire region and they must now fight to defend their positions from within government where they no longer have legal and political control. The key player to watch in this struggle is Gono.
If he goes, then the flow of resources (except for illegal resources such as gold and diamond sales) will dry up and they will not be able to sustain their fight.
If he stays, the new government will be seriously weakened, as they cannot then secure the backing and support of important financial players who simply will not work with the Bank whilst he is still in charge.
While this is going on the looting of State assets and resources continue. Right now they are trying to do a deal with a local firm to sell Net One – a major cell phone operator that is State owned, for US$200 million, which they want to use to support US dollar denominated vouchers to pay the Civil Service with, so that they can at least buy food.
The Prime Minister has instead instructed that the Civil Service be paid in hard currency – Chinamasa defied the Prime Minister last week and insisted they go ahead with the deal even though after Friday he was no longer Minister of Finance.
As for me? The Prime Minister announced on Monday that I was his choice for Minister of State Enterprise and then on Friday the post was switched to a friend and colleague, Sam Nkomo.
A victim of the present constitutional dispensation where Ministers must be Members of Parliament and carry over into their government posts, their political constituency.
In the American system, the positions of Secretaries of State are selected from outside the political system and the President can – as is the case with the Obama government, select from his whole society, the people to run his government. Under the Westminster system no such clear distinction exists between the executive and Parliament.
The American system has the advantage that Ministers (the Secretaries) are selected not only for their political influence and experience but also for their technical background and experience.
They essentially are managers of the Ministries they run. Under our system the process is much more political and the PM has to balance contending interests politically.
In my case, I was a victim of the process. I am sorry – I would have loved to have had the chance to help make this deal work and to get whatever piece of government I was responsible for, functioning again.
But it is not to be and its back to making my own living and working in Parliament to supervise government and look after the public interest
http://www.zimdaily.com/news/
* 2. ZANU Senior Ministers ordered Roy Bennet to be released
* 3. Military Chiefs absent from both swearing-in ceremonies
ZIMBABWE - HARARE - A struggle is under way – not with guns, at least not yet! But in every other way this is street fighting – building by building, street by street, close combat between two forces.
On the one side is the secret cabal that has run Zimbabwe since the quasi-military coup in 2002, when the military chiefs stated that they would not salute Mr. Tsvangirai if he were elected President.
On the other side is a peculiar coalition of forces, led by Mr. Tsvangirai but including elements of Zanu PF, civil society and even the armed forces themselves.
The Cabal was noticeably absent when the Prime Minister was sworn in – as were a number of other key players, this was not a coincidence.
The Commander of the Air Force has not been seen since the assassination attempt on him in Shamva, the others were all busy making mischief.
The most serious issue remains what role is the State President playing in this drama, if anything.
But however it is described we are seeing a situation where a small group is fighting back and trying to bring about a breakdown of the transitional government which has just been sworn in and on Monday will start to take charge.
The three key elements in this shadowy force are – the Reserve Bank (under Gono), the Ministry of Justice and the Attorney Generals Office and the Military and Police.
Gono is the paymaster and is funding this fight back using the very considerable resources at his command, the Ministry of Justice – or elements in the Ministry, is providing the “legal” justification and the armed forces, including senior elements in the Police, are executing the strategy and providing the muscle.
The legal ruse is the allegation – now totally discredited, that elements of the MDC are involved in “treason” in that they planned the violent over throw of the State. In fact the real situation is that it is the armed forces chiefs themselves who are trying to do so and in so doing are committing treason against the State.
For, no matter how you construct the transitional government, Zimbabwe now has a democratically elected government that is constitutional and legitimate. Any attempt therefore, to over throw the State by force, is an act of treason.
This fight is most clearly illustrated by the detention of Roy Bennett at Charles Prince Airport on Friday. Roy was hauled off the plane, bundled into a car and then driven at high speed to Mutare. The vehicles in which he was transported were followed by volunteers so that he could not just disappear in the same way that 42 others have in recent weeks.
When the news reached the Prime Minister he was already in consultation with regional leaders on another crisis regarding the appointment of Zanu PF Ministers and the matter was discussed. Senior Zanu PF Ministers agreed to order that Roy be released.
The President of South Africa left the country thinking that this had been done and a major diplomatic and political crisis (among many) averted. It was not so, whether or not such an order was given, the Police and the CIO did not release Roy, instead they announced he was to be charged with treason!
If the Ministers of State Security and Home Affairs did give the order for his release, then the government agencies that are accountable to them did not obey the order. If they did not give the order, they lied to the South African President and the Prime Minister and are part of, what is, in effect, a military coup.
The treatment of the 42 other abductees is further evidence of this defiance of the new order. They were clearly abducted illegally, held illegally in various State institutions, finally brought to Court and charged with various crimes involving absurd allegations, and denied bail. A number are still missing and are unaccounted for.
In one of his first actions, the Prime Minister visited them in the High Security Prison outside Harare and instructed that 4 be taken immediately to hospital for treatment.
Two of the four, including Jestina Mukoko are very ill with life threatening symptoms, they were then taken to hospital and in the evening, they were taken by force from the hospital back to prison in clear defiance of the Prime Ministers instructions.
Many other battles are being fought – the coup plotters have people in key places all over government and they are clearly working together. The question is can they win this struggle. I do not think so.
They are up against the majority of the people, a democratically elected government negotiated with the support of the entire region and they must now fight to defend their positions from within government where they no longer have legal and political control. The key player to watch in this struggle is Gono.
If he goes, then the flow of resources (except for illegal resources such as gold and diamond sales) will dry up and they will not be able to sustain their fight.
If he stays, the new government will be seriously weakened, as they cannot then secure the backing and support of important financial players who simply will not work with the Bank whilst he is still in charge.
While this is going on the looting of State assets and resources continue. Right now they are trying to do a deal with a local firm to sell Net One – a major cell phone operator that is State owned, for US$200 million, which they want to use to support US dollar denominated vouchers to pay the Civil Service with, so that they can at least buy food.
The Prime Minister has instead instructed that the Civil Service be paid in hard currency – Chinamasa defied the Prime Minister last week and insisted they go ahead with the deal even though after Friday he was no longer Minister of Finance.
As for me? The Prime Minister announced on Monday that I was his choice for Minister of State Enterprise and then on Friday the post was switched to a friend and colleague, Sam Nkomo.
A victim of the present constitutional dispensation where Ministers must be Members of Parliament and carry over into their government posts, their political constituency.
In the American system, the positions of Secretaries of State are selected from outside the political system and the President can – as is the case with the Obama government, select from his whole society, the people to run his government. Under the Westminster system no such clear distinction exists between the executive and Parliament.
The American system has the advantage that Ministers (the Secretaries) are selected not only for their political influence and experience but also for their technical background and experience.
They essentially are managers of the Ministries they run. Under our system the process is much more political and the PM has to balance contending interests politically.
In my case, I was a victim of the process. I am sorry – I would have loved to have had the chance to help make this deal work and to get whatever piece of government I was responsible for, functioning again.
But it is not to be and its back to making my own living and working in Parliament to supervise government and look after the public interest
http://www.zimdaily.com/news/
Robert Mugabe henchmen bent on sabotaging fragile partnership
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/
February 16, 2009
Jan Raath in Harare
Zimbabwe's fledgeling power-sharing Government staggered into its fifth day
yesterday as fears grew that a shadowy cabal of President Mugabe's top
security bosses are edging towards a military coup.
Roy Bennett, nominated by Morgan Tsvangirai as his choice for Deputy
Agriculture Minister, was seized and detained by state security agents on
Friday - an act seen widely as an attempt to sabotage the coalition of Mr
Mugabe's Zanu (PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by Mr
Tsvangirai.
Yesterday charges against Mr Bennett were altered from treason to plotting
"insurgency, banditry and sabotage" by allegedly funding the MDC to buy arms
in 2005, supposedly with the intention of destroying a telecommunications
station outside Harare. The charges appear to have been brought under the
Public Order Security Act, which carries a maximum penalty of ten years in
prison. He is expected to appear at Mutare Magistrates' Court today for a
bail hearing.
The arrest of Mr Bennett, who was still in detention yesterday, has raised
fears of an impending coup to prevent Mr Tsvangirai from wielding power. The
MDC is blaming the Joint Operational Command (JOC), a powerful group of
military, police and intelligence chiefs who it said had "planned, directed
and operationalised" the arrest to force the MDC to withdraw from the
Government.
"For now, the major challenge is to get Mr Bennett out," Tendai Biti, the
MDC secretary-general and the new Finance Minister, said. "If that fails, we
will have to meet and review everything." Mr Tsvangirai, now Prime Minister,
proposed a meeting with Mr Mugabe about the arrest but this did not take
place. At the weekend Mr Tsvangirai said the arrest "undermined the spirit
and credibility" of the agreement to form a new administration.
The JOC has been in de facto control of Zimbabwean politics almost
throughout the country's existence. A leftover of the former white-minority
Rhodesian government, it includes General Constantine Chiwenga, commander of
the defence forces, Lieutenant-General Phillip Sibanda, head of the Army,
Perrence Shiri, head of the Air Force, Happyton Bonyongwe, the director of
the Central Intelligence Organisation, Augustine Chihuri, the police chief,
and Paradzayi Zimondi, the prisons commissioner. Mr Mugabe is its chairman.
In the 1990s the JOC was amalgamated into Mr Mugabe's administration and
grew to have subcommittees in every province, district and town. It is
served by numerous covert branches of the security services. Its remit is to
undermine all individuals or organisations suspected of being opposed to Mr
Mugabe. Their methods range from assassination, abduction and torture to
bugging, disinformation and framing operations.
"It appears that a distance is growing between Mugabe and the generals," a
Western diplomat said.
MDC lawyers saw Mr Bennett in custody on Saturday and released a statement
from him. "Whatever these challenges, if we remain unwaveringly dedicated we
will achieve peace, freedom and democracy in our lifetime, believe me," he
said.
February 16, 2009
Jan Raath in Harare
Zimbabwe's fledgeling power-sharing Government staggered into its fifth day
yesterday as fears grew that a shadowy cabal of President Mugabe's top
security bosses are edging towards a military coup.
Roy Bennett, nominated by Morgan Tsvangirai as his choice for Deputy
Agriculture Minister, was seized and detained by state security agents on
Friday - an act seen widely as an attempt to sabotage the coalition of Mr
Mugabe's Zanu (PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by Mr
Tsvangirai.
Yesterday charges against Mr Bennett were altered from treason to plotting
"insurgency, banditry and sabotage" by allegedly funding the MDC to buy arms
in 2005, supposedly with the intention of destroying a telecommunications
station outside Harare. The charges appear to have been brought under the
Public Order Security Act, which carries a maximum penalty of ten years in
prison. He is expected to appear at Mutare Magistrates' Court today for a
bail hearing.
The arrest of Mr Bennett, who was still in detention yesterday, has raised
fears of an impending coup to prevent Mr Tsvangirai from wielding power. The
MDC is blaming the Joint Operational Command (JOC), a powerful group of
military, police and intelligence chiefs who it said had "planned, directed
and operationalised" the arrest to force the MDC to withdraw from the
Government.
"For now, the major challenge is to get Mr Bennett out," Tendai Biti, the
MDC secretary-general and the new Finance Minister, said. "If that fails, we
will have to meet and review everything." Mr Tsvangirai, now Prime Minister,
proposed a meeting with Mr Mugabe about the arrest but this did not take
place. At the weekend Mr Tsvangirai said the arrest "undermined the spirit
and credibility" of the agreement to form a new administration.
The JOC has been in de facto control of Zimbabwean politics almost
throughout the country's existence. A leftover of the former white-minority
Rhodesian government, it includes General Constantine Chiwenga, commander of
the defence forces, Lieutenant-General Phillip Sibanda, head of the Army,
Perrence Shiri, head of the Air Force, Happyton Bonyongwe, the director of
the Central Intelligence Organisation, Augustine Chihuri, the police chief,
and Paradzayi Zimondi, the prisons commissioner. Mr Mugabe is its chairman.
In the 1990s the JOC was amalgamated into Mr Mugabe's administration and
grew to have subcommittees in every province, district and town. It is
served by numerous covert branches of the security services. Its remit is to
undermine all individuals or organisations suspected of being opposed to Mr
Mugabe. Their methods range from assassination, abduction and torture to
bugging, disinformation and framing operations.
"It appears that a distance is growing between Mugabe and the generals," a
Western diplomat said.
MDC lawyers saw Mr Bennett in custody on Saturday and released a statement
from him. "Whatever these challenges, if we remain unwaveringly dedicated we
will achieve peace, freedom and democracy in our lifetime, believe me," he
said.
Thursday, February 12, 2009
Zimbabwe's Second Step in Right Direction
http://www.scoop.co.nz/
Thursday, 12 February 2009, 3:44 pm
Press Release: Save Zimbabwe
12 February, 2009
For Immediate Release
Zimbabwe's Second Step in Right Direction
Zimbabweans living in New Zealand say the swearing in of Morgan Tsvangirai
as Prime Minister is a significant step following 10 years of destruction.
Save Zimbabwe Campaign New Zealand (SZCNZ) says it is a second step in the
right direction after last September's agreement between ruling and
opposition parties.
In his inaugural speech, Tsvangirai noted the many sad realities of a
country where schools are closed, health centres are death centres, the
civil service is grounded, farms are barely producing and industries operate
below 25 percent. However, Tsvangirai vowed to stabilise the country and end
political violence.
SZCNZ national coordinator Mandla Akhe Dube wished the new government
success in translating words into action.
"This transitional Government of National Unity faces many challenges. Only
time will remove doubts by those who choose to see Zimbabwe's cup as half
empty instead of half full."
The campaign called upon the international community to help build capacity
in the new government.
New Zealand could lead by offering to help retrain Zimbabwe's police force,
a body synonymous with brutality and blatant disregard of human rights.
"We also urge the community of nations to help feed the five million hungry
Zimbabweans between now and the 2009/10 farming season which starts in
November."
Mr Dube called upon Zimbabweans at home and abroad to help their shattered
country re-build. "We all have a role to play."
Thursday, 12 February 2009, 3:44 pm
Press Release: Save Zimbabwe
12 February, 2009
For Immediate Release
Zimbabwe's Second Step in Right Direction
Zimbabweans living in New Zealand say the swearing in of Morgan Tsvangirai
as Prime Minister is a significant step following 10 years of destruction.
Save Zimbabwe Campaign New Zealand (SZCNZ) says it is a second step in the
right direction after last September's agreement between ruling and
opposition parties.
In his inaugural speech, Tsvangirai noted the many sad realities of a
country where schools are closed, health centres are death centres, the
civil service is grounded, farms are barely producing and industries operate
below 25 percent. However, Tsvangirai vowed to stabilise the country and end
political violence.
SZCNZ national coordinator Mandla Akhe Dube wished the new government
success in translating words into action.
"This transitional Government of National Unity faces many challenges. Only
time will remove doubts by those who choose to see Zimbabwe's cup as half
empty instead of half full."
The campaign called upon the international community to help build capacity
in the new government.
New Zealand could lead by offering to help retrain Zimbabwe's police force,
a body synonymous with brutality and blatant disregard of human rights.
"We also urge the community of nations to help feed the five million hungry
Zimbabweans between now and the 2009/10 farming season which starts in
November."
Mr Dube called upon Zimbabweans at home and abroad to help their shattered
country re-build. "We all have a role to play."
Wednesday, February 11, 2009
Full Text: Morgan Tsvangirai's inauguration speech
The Inauguration Speech of the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe,
PRAYERFUL: Tsvangirai attends a church service in the morning before his inauguration as Prime Minister
His Excellency, Mr Morgan Tsvangirai.
Your Majesty, King Mswati III, the Chairman of the AU Commission, Mr Jean Ping, President Mugabe, former President Mbeki, Your Excellencies, Honoured Guests, People of Zimbabwe,
Today is an historic day for our country. As we form this transitional government, we look back with reflection on the difficult journey that has brought us to this day, and look forward with determination to the road that lies ahead.
To my fellow African leaders, there can be no turning back on the political agreement which each party has signed, knowing it is not a perfect agreement but still a workable one. An agreement that if implemented with good faith, will deliver a peaceful way forward toward a stable economy, a new constitution and free and fair elections. Brothers and sisters in SADC and the AU, we are counting on you to be our partners and to ensure that this agreement is upheld as we face the challenges of rebuilding our country in the days ahead.
Though today's ceremony marks a very significant milestone on our democratic journey, it is only the beginning. On this day 19 years ago Nelson Mandela walked free from Victor Verster prison, an historic step on South Africa's long road to freedom.
But former President Mandela's release did not signify the end of his people's struggle for democracy. His personal liberation showed that the victory of freedom over oppression was near. But on February 11th 1990, make no mistake, freedom had still not arrived. Only with the courageous effort and compromise by all parties was a peaceful transition finally possible.
With the formation of this transitional government, President Mugabe, Professor Mutambara and I have pledged, in the sight of God, to deliver to the nation a new political dispensation.
This is our promise to you, to our children and to the future generations of Zimbabweans. This is the debt that we owe to our liberation heroes and our democratic heroes who paid the ultimate price so that we could all live together, free from fear, hunger and poverty.
For too long, Zimbabwe has endured violent political polarization. This must end today.
For too long, our people's hopes for a bright and prosperous future have been betrayed. Instead of hope, their days have been filled with starvation, disease and fear. A culture of entitlement and impunity has brought our nation to the brink of a dark abyss.
This must end today.
Economic collapse has forced millions of our most able to flee the country seeking menial jobs, for which they are often overqualified but underpaid. They have had to leave their children behind to be cared for by the elderly, who do not have the resources to feed them and watch in despair as these flowers of our nation wilt and die.
This must end today.
People of Zimbabwe, I have a vision for our country that will guide me as Prime Minister. I will work to create a society where our values are stronger than the threat of violence, where our children's future and happiness is more important than present political goals and where a person is free to express an opinion, loudly, openly and publicly without fear of reprisal or repression. A country where jobs are available for those who wish to work, food is available for those that are hungry and where we are united by our respect for the rights and dignity of our fellow citizens. This is the Zimbabwe that I am working towards.
To achieve this vision, my priorities are very clear.
Firstly, we must implement our democratization agenda.
Through parliament, the people's representatives in the MDC and Zanu PF, will pass legislation to restore the people's freedoms, create the mechanism through which a people's constitution can be created, reestablish the rule of law and promote the independent media. Our liberation war was fought to provide political freedoms to all Zimbabweans and we intend to restore them as a matter of urgency.
As I stand before you, more than 30 innocent people continue to languish in jail months are being abducted and illegally detained. While I will not interfere in the judicial process, I will make it a priority to ensure that the law is upheld and that the justice system deals with their cases in a fair, equitable and transparent manner in the shortest possible time frame
People of Zimbabwe, I call upon all of us to put aside our differences, to begin a process of national healing within every community, to work across party lines and look forward together with hope, while learning from a sad past that has so devastated our nation and our people.
Our second priority is tackling the humanitarian crisis with every means possible.
In the immediate days ahead we will focus on the cholera crisis. We will urgently reduce both the number of outbreaks and the unacceptably high mortality level by tackling the causes of the epidemic.
We will also ensure that every Zimbabwean has access to emergency food aid regardless of tribal or political affiliation. In this regard, we will ensure that the people can access humanitarian food aid on a non-partisan basis. I call upon the chiefs and local councilors to work together to ensure that all those that are deserving can access the help they require.
To all of the international relief agencies and donors who have assisted us, let me say thank you on behalf of the people of Zimbabwe. It will be the mandate of this government to do all we can to make it easier to help alleviate the suffering of every Zimbabwean as we tackle the humanitarian issues gripping our country. In this regard, I will ensure greater impact and efficiency in the distribution of emergency and development aid by appointing a senior member of my cabinet to coordinate emergency and development efforts.
In addition to emergency food distribution, the transitional government will make food more available and more affordable by removing all duties on foodstuffs imported into the country. In the short term, we will convene a food summit of all relevant stake holders to help us ensure that no Zimbabwean goes hungry. We will introduce incentives to resuscitate and rehabilitate the local food manufacturing industry and we will move towards self-sufficiency in food production beginning with the next agricultural season.
The third priority is to stabilize the economy.
Out of the 20 fastest growing countries in the world, 15 are in Africa. Indeed, despite the overall economic gloom in the world today, the International Monetary Fund predicts a growth rate of 6.3% in sub Saharan Africa in 2009. As the world slows down, much of Africa is still growing. This is good news for us as we all know, if we work together, Zimbabwe has the skills and resources to contribute to this hopeful trend.
To get our economy going again, we must get the country working again. This starts with an educated and healthy workforce. Our schools, once amongst the best on the continent, can be restored to that standard of excellence. Similarly, our hospitals must be places of healing, with the staff and resources to prevent and treat disease.
The professionals in our civil service are the backbone of our government, making sure that policy decisions are carried out and delivery of government services moves efficiently and accountably. Today our public service has ground to a halt as many of our patriotic government employees can no longer afford to eat, let alone pay for transport to their place of work.
If we are to successfully address our nation's humanitarian crisis, we must first address the urgent plight of our civil servants.
As Prime Minister I make this commitment that, as from the end of this month, our professionals in the civil service, every health worker, teacher, soldier and policeman will receive their pay in foreign currency until we are able to stabilize the economy.
These hard currency salaries will enable people to go to work, to feed their families and to survive until such time that we can begin to sustain ourselves as a country.
My Fellow Zimbabweans, as we work together to rebuild our country, all of us must do our part. This will sometimes require sacrifices. In this respect, I ask every school be re-opened, and that every member of the civil service is behind his or her desk on Monday providing service to Zimbabweans.
As your Prime Minister, I will ensure that there is a clear distinction between the party and the state.
As your Prime Minister I will be open and honest with you.
It will take time, commitment and unity of purpose to rebuild our great country. I appeal to all Zanu PF supporters and MDC supporters, to recognize the legitimacy and contribution of the other party to our nation's history and our nation's future and work together to restore our pride in our people and our country.
We will need help from the international community and I ask them to engage with us to rebuild our nation and to work towards reestablishing a relationship that is not based on humanitarian assistance alone.
People of Zimbabwe, we face many challenges but we are brave and resourceful. By uniting as a nation and a people we can succeed. If you match our efforts with your own, we will succeed, if you match our desires with your own, we will succeed, if you match our dreams for Zimbabwe with your own, we will succeed.
At each point in our proud history we have looked forward not backwards, we have stood for hope not fear, we have believed in love not hate, and we have never lost touch with our democratic values or sight of our democratic goals.
People of Zimbabwe, I ask you to support me as your Prime Minister and the efforts of our new transitional government. I ask you to share my vision for our great country, to work with me to rebuild our nation and to walk with me on this promising phase of our journey to a true and lasting democracy.
May God bless you and May God Bless Zimbabwe
PRAYERFUL: Tsvangirai attends a church service in the morning before his inauguration as Prime Minister
His Excellency, Mr Morgan Tsvangirai.
Your Majesty, King Mswati III, the Chairman of the AU Commission, Mr Jean Ping, President Mugabe, former President Mbeki, Your Excellencies, Honoured Guests, People of Zimbabwe,
Today is an historic day for our country. As we form this transitional government, we look back with reflection on the difficult journey that has brought us to this day, and look forward with determination to the road that lies ahead.
To my fellow African leaders, there can be no turning back on the political agreement which each party has signed, knowing it is not a perfect agreement but still a workable one. An agreement that if implemented with good faith, will deliver a peaceful way forward toward a stable economy, a new constitution and free and fair elections. Brothers and sisters in SADC and the AU, we are counting on you to be our partners and to ensure that this agreement is upheld as we face the challenges of rebuilding our country in the days ahead.
Though today's ceremony marks a very significant milestone on our democratic journey, it is only the beginning. On this day 19 years ago Nelson Mandela walked free from Victor Verster prison, an historic step on South Africa's long road to freedom.
But former President Mandela's release did not signify the end of his people's struggle for democracy. His personal liberation showed that the victory of freedom over oppression was near. But on February 11th 1990, make no mistake, freedom had still not arrived. Only with the courageous effort and compromise by all parties was a peaceful transition finally possible.
With the formation of this transitional government, President Mugabe, Professor Mutambara and I have pledged, in the sight of God, to deliver to the nation a new political dispensation.
This is our promise to you, to our children and to the future generations of Zimbabweans. This is the debt that we owe to our liberation heroes and our democratic heroes who paid the ultimate price so that we could all live together, free from fear, hunger and poverty.
For too long, Zimbabwe has endured violent political polarization. This must end today.
For too long, our people's hopes for a bright and prosperous future have been betrayed. Instead of hope, their days have been filled with starvation, disease and fear. A culture of entitlement and impunity has brought our nation to the brink of a dark abyss.
This must end today.
Economic collapse has forced millions of our most able to flee the country seeking menial jobs, for which they are often overqualified but underpaid. They have had to leave their children behind to be cared for by the elderly, who do not have the resources to feed them and watch in despair as these flowers of our nation wilt and die.
This must end today.
People of Zimbabwe, I have a vision for our country that will guide me as Prime Minister. I will work to create a society where our values are stronger than the threat of violence, where our children's future and happiness is more important than present political goals and where a person is free to express an opinion, loudly, openly and publicly without fear of reprisal or repression. A country where jobs are available for those who wish to work, food is available for those that are hungry and where we are united by our respect for the rights and dignity of our fellow citizens. This is the Zimbabwe that I am working towards.
To achieve this vision, my priorities are very clear.
Firstly, we must implement our democratization agenda.
Through parliament, the people's representatives in the MDC and Zanu PF, will pass legislation to restore the people's freedoms, create the mechanism through which a people's constitution can be created, reestablish the rule of law and promote the independent media. Our liberation war was fought to provide political freedoms to all Zimbabweans and we intend to restore them as a matter of urgency.
As I stand before you, more than 30 innocent people continue to languish in jail months are being abducted and illegally detained. While I will not interfere in the judicial process, I will make it a priority to ensure that the law is upheld and that the justice system deals with their cases in a fair, equitable and transparent manner in the shortest possible time frame
People of Zimbabwe, I call upon all of us to put aside our differences, to begin a process of national healing within every community, to work across party lines and look forward together with hope, while learning from a sad past that has so devastated our nation and our people.
Our second priority is tackling the humanitarian crisis with every means possible.
In the immediate days ahead we will focus on the cholera crisis. We will urgently reduce both the number of outbreaks and the unacceptably high mortality level by tackling the causes of the epidemic.
We will also ensure that every Zimbabwean has access to emergency food aid regardless of tribal or political affiliation. In this regard, we will ensure that the people can access humanitarian food aid on a non-partisan basis. I call upon the chiefs and local councilors to work together to ensure that all those that are deserving can access the help they require.
To all of the international relief agencies and donors who have assisted us, let me say thank you on behalf of the people of Zimbabwe. It will be the mandate of this government to do all we can to make it easier to help alleviate the suffering of every Zimbabwean as we tackle the humanitarian issues gripping our country. In this regard, I will ensure greater impact and efficiency in the distribution of emergency and development aid by appointing a senior member of my cabinet to coordinate emergency and development efforts.
In addition to emergency food distribution, the transitional government will make food more available and more affordable by removing all duties on foodstuffs imported into the country. In the short term, we will convene a food summit of all relevant stake holders to help us ensure that no Zimbabwean goes hungry. We will introduce incentives to resuscitate and rehabilitate the local food manufacturing industry and we will move towards self-sufficiency in food production beginning with the next agricultural season.
The third priority is to stabilize the economy.
Out of the 20 fastest growing countries in the world, 15 are in Africa. Indeed, despite the overall economic gloom in the world today, the International Monetary Fund predicts a growth rate of 6.3% in sub Saharan Africa in 2009. As the world slows down, much of Africa is still growing. This is good news for us as we all know, if we work together, Zimbabwe has the skills and resources to contribute to this hopeful trend.
To get our economy going again, we must get the country working again. This starts with an educated and healthy workforce. Our schools, once amongst the best on the continent, can be restored to that standard of excellence. Similarly, our hospitals must be places of healing, with the staff and resources to prevent and treat disease.
The professionals in our civil service are the backbone of our government, making sure that policy decisions are carried out and delivery of government services moves efficiently and accountably. Today our public service has ground to a halt as many of our patriotic government employees can no longer afford to eat, let alone pay for transport to their place of work.
If we are to successfully address our nation's humanitarian crisis, we must first address the urgent plight of our civil servants.
As Prime Minister I make this commitment that, as from the end of this month, our professionals in the civil service, every health worker, teacher, soldier and policeman will receive their pay in foreign currency until we are able to stabilize the economy.
These hard currency salaries will enable people to go to work, to feed their families and to survive until such time that we can begin to sustain ourselves as a country.
My Fellow Zimbabweans, as we work together to rebuild our country, all of us must do our part. This will sometimes require sacrifices. In this respect, I ask every school be re-opened, and that every member of the civil service is behind his or her desk on Monday providing service to Zimbabweans.
As your Prime Minister, I will ensure that there is a clear distinction between the party and the state.
As your Prime Minister I will be open and honest with you.
It will take time, commitment and unity of purpose to rebuild our great country. I appeal to all Zanu PF supporters and MDC supporters, to recognize the legitimacy and contribution of the other party to our nation's history and our nation's future and work together to restore our pride in our people and our country.
We will need help from the international community and I ask them to engage with us to rebuild our nation and to work towards reestablishing a relationship that is not based on humanitarian assistance alone.
People of Zimbabwe, we face many challenges but we are brave and resourceful. By uniting as a nation and a people we can succeed. If you match our efforts with your own, we will succeed, if you match our desires with your own, we will succeed, if you match our dreams for Zimbabwe with your own, we will succeed.
At each point in our proud history we have looked forward not backwards, we have stood for hope not fear, we have believed in love not hate, and we have never lost touch with our democratic values or sight of our democratic goals.
People of Zimbabwe, I ask you to support me as your Prime Minister and the efforts of our new transitional government. I ask you to share my vision for our great country, to work with me to rebuild our nation and to walk with me on this promising phase of our journey to a true and lasting democracy.
May God bless you and May God Bless Zimbabwe
Tsvangirai sworn in as Zimbabwe PM
Zimbabwe's opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai(centre) has been sworn in as prime minister in a unity government with President Robert Mugabe.
Mr Tsvangirai won the first round of last year's presidential election - but he withdrew from the run-off citing violence against his supporters.
However he later agreed to share power with Mr Mugabe.
Problems facing the new government include a cholera epidemic, a collapsed economy and a 90% unemployment rate.
Mr Mugabe administered the oath to Mr Tsvangirai in a ceremony in Harare.
The new prime minister faces formidable challenges.
More than 3,400 people have died in Zimbabwe's cholera epidemic, and the country has stopped publishing figures, amid hyperinflation, and people use foreign currency wherever possible.
More than half the population rely on emergency food aid.
The cabinet in the new coalition government will be sworn in on Friday.
The tasks facing the ministers are daunting and there is deep scepticism about whether it will work, says the BBC's southern Africa correspondent, Peter Biles, in Johannesburg.
At best it will be a transitional arrangement leading eventually to a new constitution and fresh elections, he says.
New coalition
On Tuesday, Mr Tsvangirai named Tendai Biti, the secretary general of his Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), as his choice for finance minister.
A Zimbabwean judge last week dropped treason charges against Mr Biti over an alleged coup plot, citing lack of progress in the case against him.
Mr Biti's new position will be a key one, given the country's economic collapse.
In January, Mr Tsvangirai returned to Zimbabwe after an absence of more than two months for fresh talks with Mr Mugabe on sharing power.
Earlier negotiations had faltered after the MDC accused Mr Mugabe's Zanu-PF of keeping the most powerful ministries - including the one that controls the police - to itself.
http://news.bbc.co.uk
Monday, February 9, 2009
National Healing Process Urged
Written by Chipo Sithole in Harare
Saturday, 07 February 2009
Emmanuel Chiroto
Emmanuel Chiroto, the mayor of Harare, is moved to tears as he recalls the abduction and brutal murder of his wife, Abigail, by armed militia loyal to President Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party during the blood-soaked period preceding the June 27 presidential run-off election.
"Nothing will ever bring my wife back, but the perpetrators of this are still there roaming the streets," he told the Institute of War and Peace Reporting (IWPR).
"Justice must be served and if the inclusive government fails to deal with this issue there will never be national healing. How do I work with people who murdered my wife? They must tell me who sent them to kill my wife and how they did it. There has to be a way to secure justice. Our hearts are sore."
(l) A mourner at the funeral of Abigail Chiroto, the wife of Harare mayor Emmanuel, on June 25, 2008. Chiroto and her four-year-old son were seized from their home and taken taken to a nearby farming area where Chiroto's body was found. The four-year-old survived.
Saturday, 07 February 2009
Emmanuel Chiroto
Emmanuel Chiroto, the mayor of Harare, is moved to tears as he recalls the abduction and brutal murder of his wife, Abigail, by armed militia loyal to President Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party during the blood-soaked period preceding the June 27 presidential run-off election.
"Nothing will ever bring my wife back, but the perpetrators of this are still there roaming the streets," he told the Institute of War and Peace Reporting (IWPR).
"Justice must be served and if the inclusive government fails to deal with this issue there will never be national healing. How do I work with people who murdered my wife? They must tell me who sent them to kill my wife and how they did it. There has to be a way to secure justice. Our hearts are sore."
(l) A mourner at the funeral of Abigail Chiroto, the wife of Harare mayor Emmanuel, on June 25, 2008. Chiroto and her four-year-old son were seized from their home and taken taken to a nearby farming area where Chiroto's body was found. The four-year-old survived.
Mengistu Exposes Crisis Of Expectations IN GNU
Written by CZ Editor
Saturday, 07 February 2009
The crisis of expectations with the new government seems to have started before it has even been inaugurated.
An Ethiopian reader of changezimbabwe in Los Angeles, G. E. Gorfu , wrote to the editor saying how pleased he was to read the report that Mengistu's extradition from Zimbabwe is high on the MDC's agenda and that the MDC will not allow Zimbabwe to be "…a shelter for purveyors of injustice."
The statement was attributed to MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa, but before we had even published Mr Gorfu's letter, there was a swift retraction.
Mr Gotfu had said: "That was a wonderful music to the ears so of many Ethiopians at home and in Diaspora, who waited patiently for seventeen years for a reversal of fortune of this tyrant.
"I appeal to you in the name of justice and the friendship of the peoples of Ethiopia and of Zimbabwe to extradite Mengistu so that he can join in prison his fellow tyrants that caused the cruel death and torture of so many innocent Ethiopians.
"It is totally unjust that he should live in relative freedom in Zimbabwe while those who obeyed his orders and executed his commands remain imprisoned.
"May the friendship between the peoples of Zimbabwe and the people of Ethiopia live forever, and I am sure the extradition of this butcher, Mengistu, will go a long way towards cementing that friendship."
The MDC has since retracted the statement and said only that it would seriously consider extraditing Mengistu if it were forming a government by itself.
According to ZimOnline, Chamisa said: "But what we are going to have is a government of national unity, and decisions there will have to be reached through some consensus and I don't know whether that's going to be possible."
Mengistu fled to Zimbabwe in 1991 following an armed uprising against his rule and was granted political asylum by his old friend, Mugabe.
The Zimbabwe government last year said it would not extradite former Ethiopian dictator Mengistu who was sentenced to death by his country’s supreme court for human rights abuses during his 17-year reign.
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa said Mengistu would remain under the protection of the government, pointing out that the former dictator gave valuable support to nationalists fighting for Zimbabwe’s independence from Britain.
This is just but one example of the many expectations of MDC supporters that are unlikely to be me because of the kind of coalition government that has been formed.
With almost equal representation in Parliament and Zanu (PF) having a majority in the Senate, Zimbabweans will have to learn to lobby their MPs for their causes than expect the politicians to just take up their issues as a matter of course.
Saturday, 07 February 2009
The crisis of expectations with the new government seems to have started before it has even been inaugurated.
An Ethiopian reader of changezimbabwe in Los Angeles, G. E. Gorfu , wrote to the editor saying how pleased he was to read the report that Mengistu's extradition from Zimbabwe is high on the MDC's agenda and that the MDC will not allow Zimbabwe to be "…a shelter for purveyors of injustice."
The statement was attributed to MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa, but before we had even published Mr Gorfu's letter, there was a swift retraction.
Mr Gotfu had said: "That was a wonderful music to the ears so of many Ethiopians at home and in Diaspora, who waited patiently for seventeen years for a reversal of fortune of this tyrant.
"I appeal to you in the name of justice and the friendship of the peoples of Ethiopia and of Zimbabwe to extradite Mengistu so that he can join in prison his fellow tyrants that caused the cruel death and torture of so many innocent Ethiopians.
"It is totally unjust that he should live in relative freedom in Zimbabwe while those who obeyed his orders and executed his commands remain imprisoned.
"May the friendship between the peoples of Zimbabwe and the people of Ethiopia live forever, and I am sure the extradition of this butcher, Mengistu, will go a long way towards cementing that friendship."
The MDC has since retracted the statement and said only that it would seriously consider extraditing Mengistu if it were forming a government by itself.
According to ZimOnline, Chamisa said: "But what we are going to have is a government of national unity, and decisions there will have to be reached through some consensus and I don't know whether that's going to be possible."
Mengistu fled to Zimbabwe in 1991 following an armed uprising against his rule and was granted political asylum by his old friend, Mugabe.
The Zimbabwe government last year said it would not extradite former Ethiopian dictator Mengistu who was sentenced to death by his country’s supreme court for human rights abuses during his 17-year reign.
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa said Mengistu would remain under the protection of the government, pointing out that the former dictator gave valuable support to nationalists fighting for Zimbabwe’s independence from Britain.
This is just but one example of the many expectations of MDC supporters that are unlikely to be me because of the kind of coalition government that has been formed.
With almost equal representation in Parliament and Zanu (PF) having a majority in the Senate, Zimbabweans will have to learn to lobby their MPs for their causes than expect the politicians to just take up their issues as a matter of course.
We Can't Just Ignore Detained Peace and Political Activists - Veritas
http://changezimbabwe.com/
Written by Veritas
Saturday, 07 February 2009
Jestina Mukoko is still incarcerated in solitary confinement in Chikurubi Maximum Security Prison. An application to the High Court for her release on bail failed when the judge ruled on technical grounds that she could not apply for bail. The judge refused to grant leave to appeal to the Supreme Court against his decision.
So for the time being Jestina seems set to continue in custody until there is a ruling from the Supreme Court on her allegations of infringements of her constitutional rights. Those allegations were referred to the Supreme Court by the magistrates court on the 16th January. Although the Chief Justice accepted that this is an urgent matter, the Supreme Court has not yet set down this case for hearing.
Broderick Takawira is also still in solitary in Chikurubi Maximum Security. His case has been referred to the Supreme Court on constitutional issues, and is likely to be heard at the same time as Jestina’s.
Both Jestina and Broderick will be appearing again at the magistrates court on Monday 9th February.
Pascal Gono This morning a judge ordered Pascal’s release. His actual release from Chikurubi had not been confirmed at time of writing.
Other Abductees
Fourteen other abductees are also still in detention at Chikurubi Maximum Security. All of them will be appearing at the magistrates court on Monday 9th February, along with Jestina Mukoko and Broderick Takawira. The police continue to hold three other abductees in “protective custody” as State witnesses. The State continues to deny knowledge of the whereabouts of the remaining eight abductees.
Release of Abductees and Inclusive Government
The MDC National Council resolutions of 30th January quite firmly stated that the abductees have to be released before the inclusive government is formed. [Copy of these resolutions available on request.] It is disappointing that the fast-tracking of their release was not insisted on before agreeing to the fast-tracking of the Constitution Amendment Bill.
What the MoU had to say about Political Violence
“10.1 (a) Each party shall….take all measures necessary to ensure that the structures and institutions it controls are not engaged in the perpetration of violence.”
This undertaking has been broken. State institutions under the control of ZANU-PF have been responsible for “forced disappearances’ and illegal detention, on the personal admission of the Minister of State Security [full text of his affidavit produced in court available on request].
“(b) The Parties are committed to ensuring that the law is applied fairly and justly to all persons irrespective of political affiliation.” This is certainly not pertaining at the moment.
What the Inter-Party Agreement had to say about Political Violence
“18.5 The Parties hereby agree:
(c) that the Government shall apply the laws of the country fully and impartially in bringing all perpetrators of politically-motivated violence to book;
(d) that all political parties, other organisations and their leaders, shall commit themselves to do everything to stop and prevent all forms of political violence …
(e) to take all measures necessary to ensure that the structures and institutions they control are not engaged in the perpetration of violence.”
Note: we include the ZPP workers under the heading of political violence because Jestina and her colleagues are being treated as political offenders although they are peace activists.
Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee Set Up
The Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee [JOMIC] was inaugurated on Friday 30th January, as directed by the recent SADC Extraordinary Summit. JOMIC’s role is to is to see that the Interparty Political Agreement is carried out both in letter and spirit, and to serve as a catalyst in creating and promoting an atmosphere of mutual trust and understanding between the parties. JOMIC could have been set up immediately after the signing of the IPA on 15th September. If it had been, it might have served a useful purpose in ensuring that the IPA’s stipulations on violence, displacement, humanitarian aid, etc. were being adhered to. [Electronic version of the IPA available on request.]
JOMIC has 4 representatives from each party. The Committee is jointly chaired by Nicholas Goche [ZANU-PF], Elton Mangoma [MDC-T] and Welshman Ncube [MDC-M]. The chairmen met first to set agendas, followed by a meeting of the whole committee [the other members are Patrick Chinamasa, Emmerson Mnangagwa [or Kembo Mohadi] and Oppah Muchinguri [ZANU-PF], Elias Mudzuri, Tabita Khumalo and Innocent Chagonda [MDC-T] and Frank Chamunorwa, Edward Mkhosi and Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga [MDC-M]].
One of JOMIC’s roles is to “receive reports and complaints in respect of any issue related to the implementation, enforcement and execution” of the IPA. This wording is such as to enable JOMIC, if it so decided, to hear relevant complaints by members of the public, and it is hoped that JOMIC will do this and also that it will issue frequent communiqués on what it is achieving. Ordinary people have been kept in the dark too long.
It was hoped that JOMIC's first business would be dealing with the issue of the abductees - whose treatment has violated both the letter and spirit of the IPA and without whose release it is difficult to see progress in an atmosphere of mutual trust. But so far we have heard nothing.
How Can We as Zimbabweans Condone Torture?
Most of the abductees have complained of being victims of “enforced disappearances”, illegal detention and torture at the hands of State agents. Minister of State Security Mutasa, in affidavits lodged in court, has sought to block investigation of the methods used by State Security personnel and their identity. If the courts support this stance, alleged torturers may continue to enjoy impunity.
Yet torture is forbidden by our Constitution [section 15 - "No person shall be subjected to torture …"]. It is punishable as the crime of assault. Where torture has been used to extract a confession from a person, the confession cannot be used as evidence if the person is brought to court on criminal charges.
Torture is also forbidden by international instruments, among them the African Charter of Human and People's Rights [Article 5]. The Statute of the international Criminal Court lists torture as a crime against humanity. There is also a special international convention on the subject - the International Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment of 1984. The underlying principle is that torture is never acceptable, under any circumstances.
It is high time that Zimbabwe signed the International Convention. At present Zimbabwe sticks out like a sore thumb in the region - all the countries round us have signed and ratified or acceded to [i.e. joined] the Convention. 12 out of 15 SADC States, and 47 out of 53 African States, have joined. Zimbabwe, which used to be a progressive leader in Africa, is now a country shamefully out of step with the rest of the continent
Most countries in the world except the most brutal of dictatorships have outlawed torture. Even when it has been used in the duress of military operations in a war situation there are always enquiries afterwards and those involved are punished.
The new US President Barack Obama has, in one of his first acts as President, ordered the closing down of the notorious Guantamano Bay detention centre, a military prison for persons taken into custody in the course of the US “war against terrorism”. There have been many allegations that some of the interrogation techniques used by US personnel there constituted torture. It is also of note that Cuba, which in the past has been suspicious of so-called western human rights instruments, in January announced an invitation to the UN Special Raporteur on Torture to visit Cuba on behalf of the United Nations Human Rights Council to investigate allegations of torture, disappearance and detention without trial.
What needs to be done to accede to the Convention against Torture
The decision has to be taken by the Government of the day, but it must also be approved by Parliament . The initiative could either come through Parliament or through the Ministry of Justice. It has still not been decided who will be the next Minister of Justice but in the meantime all those with access to Members of the House of Assembly or the Senate could start lobbying them to support a motion in Parliament to this effect. It would get a new government off to a very positive start and rebuild hope for the future if this was to be one of the earliest decisions of an inclusive government.
Abductees Court Proceedings Since 24 January 2009
Note: for full day by day details of events please see ZLHR reports available from kumbi@zlhr.org.zw.This email address is being protected from spam bots, you need Javascript enabled to view it
26 January: A magistrate dismissed an affidavit filed by State Security Minister Mutasa seeking to block investigations into allegations of torture made by members of the Dhlamini group of abductees. Police were ordered to continue their investigations into these allegations and report to the court on 9th February.
30 January: A magistrate postponed proceedings against Concillia and Emmanuel Chinanzvavana, Fidelis Chiramba, Pieta Kaseke, Violet Mupfuranhehwe and Collen Mutemagau until 9th February. Prisons were ordered to take Violet, Fidelis and Collen to Avenues Clinic for examination.
4 February: Bail applications by Jestina Mukoko, Concilia Chinanzvavana and others were rejected by a High Court judge. Leave to appeal to the Supreme Court against the rejection was refused. Defence lawyers stated their intention to apply to the Supreme Court for leave to appeal.
60 arrested as police crush students demo
Police on Tuesday brutally crushed a demonstration by University of Zimbabwe students. On Monday they were notified that they had to find US $ 400 in order to take exams due in eight days and that fees for the second semester would be US$ 1 000, to be paid before they could begin their studies. Hundreds of students began demonstrating against the fees early Tuesday.. Scores of armed riot police descended on the campus, released tear gas and then arrested about 60 students, five of whom were injured and needed medical attention. The whereabouts of three of the arrested students is still unknown. A student leader commented that the police reaction did not indicate any change of attitude and that there was still no willingness to allow free expression in spite of the inclusive government having now been agreed to by all parties.
Documents on Offer
Inter-Party Political Agreement
MDC National Council Resolutions of 30th January 2009
Affidavit of Minister of State Security blocking inquiry into torture and forced disappearances
Convention against Torture and list of states parties [states who have signed, ratified, acceded]
Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information supplied.
Last Updated ( Saturday, 07 February 2009 )
Written by Veritas
Saturday, 07 February 2009
Jestina Mukoko is still incarcerated in solitary confinement in Chikurubi Maximum Security Prison. An application to the High Court for her release on bail failed when the judge ruled on technical grounds that she could not apply for bail. The judge refused to grant leave to appeal to the Supreme Court against his decision.
So for the time being Jestina seems set to continue in custody until there is a ruling from the Supreme Court on her allegations of infringements of her constitutional rights. Those allegations were referred to the Supreme Court by the magistrates court on the 16th January. Although the Chief Justice accepted that this is an urgent matter, the Supreme Court has not yet set down this case for hearing.
Broderick Takawira is also still in solitary in Chikurubi Maximum Security. His case has been referred to the Supreme Court on constitutional issues, and is likely to be heard at the same time as Jestina’s.
Both Jestina and Broderick will be appearing again at the magistrates court on Monday 9th February.
Pascal Gono This morning a judge ordered Pascal’s release. His actual release from Chikurubi had not been confirmed at time of writing.
Other Abductees
Fourteen other abductees are also still in detention at Chikurubi Maximum Security. All of them will be appearing at the magistrates court on Monday 9th February, along with Jestina Mukoko and Broderick Takawira. The police continue to hold three other abductees in “protective custody” as State witnesses. The State continues to deny knowledge of the whereabouts of the remaining eight abductees.
Release of Abductees and Inclusive Government
The MDC National Council resolutions of 30th January quite firmly stated that the abductees have to be released before the inclusive government is formed. [Copy of these resolutions available on request.] It is disappointing that the fast-tracking of their release was not insisted on before agreeing to the fast-tracking of the Constitution Amendment Bill.
What the MoU had to say about Political Violence
“10.1 (a) Each party shall….take all measures necessary to ensure that the structures and institutions it controls are not engaged in the perpetration of violence.”
This undertaking has been broken. State institutions under the control of ZANU-PF have been responsible for “forced disappearances’ and illegal detention, on the personal admission of the Minister of State Security [full text of his affidavit produced in court available on request].
“(b) The Parties are committed to ensuring that the law is applied fairly and justly to all persons irrespective of political affiliation.” This is certainly not pertaining at the moment.
What the Inter-Party Agreement had to say about Political Violence
“18.5 The Parties hereby agree:
(c) that the Government shall apply the laws of the country fully and impartially in bringing all perpetrators of politically-motivated violence to book;
(d) that all political parties, other organisations and their leaders, shall commit themselves to do everything to stop and prevent all forms of political violence …
(e) to take all measures necessary to ensure that the structures and institutions they control are not engaged in the perpetration of violence.”
Note: we include the ZPP workers under the heading of political violence because Jestina and her colleagues are being treated as political offenders although they are peace activists.
Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee Set Up
The Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee [JOMIC] was inaugurated on Friday 30th January, as directed by the recent SADC Extraordinary Summit. JOMIC’s role is to is to see that the Interparty Political Agreement is carried out both in letter and spirit, and to serve as a catalyst in creating and promoting an atmosphere of mutual trust and understanding between the parties. JOMIC could have been set up immediately after the signing of the IPA on 15th September. If it had been, it might have served a useful purpose in ensuring that the IPA’s stipulations on violence, displacement, humanitarian aid, etc. were being adhered to. [Electronic version of the IPA available on request.]
JOMIC has 4 representatives from each party. The Committee is jointly chaired by Nicholas Goche [ZANU-PF], Elton Mangoma [MDC-T] and Welshman Ncube [MDC-M]. The chairmen met first to set agendas, followed by a meeting of the whole committee [the other members are Patrick Chinamasa, Emmerson Mnangagwa [or Kembo Mohadi] and Oppah Muchinguri [ZANU-PF], Elias Mudzuri, Tabita Khumalo and Innocent Chagonda [MDC-T] and Frank Chamunorwa, Edward Mkhosi and Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga [MDC-M]].
One of JOMIC’s roles is to “receive reports and complaints in respect of any issue related to the implementation, enforcement and execution” of the IPA. This wording is such as to enable JOMIC, if it so decided, to hear relevant complaints by members of the public, and it is hoped that JOMIC will do this and also that it will issue frequent communiqués on what it is achieving. Ordinary people have been kept in the dark too long.
It was hoped that JOMIC's first business would be dealing with the issue of the abductees - whose treatment has violated both the letter and spirit of the IPA and without whose release it is difficult to see progress in an atmosphere of mutual trust. But so far we have heard nothing.
How Can We as Zimbabweans Condone Torture?
Most of the abductees have complained of being victims of “enforced disappearances”, illegal detention and torture at the hands of State agents. Minister of State Security Mutasa, in affidavits lodged in court, has sought to block investigation of the methods used by State Security personnel and their identity. If the courts support this stance, alleged torturers may continue to enjoy impunity.
Yet torture is forbidden by our Constitution [section 15 - "No person shall be subjected to torture …"]. It is punishable as the crime of assault. Where torture has been used to extract a confession from a person, the confession cannot be used as evidence if the person is brought to court on criminal charges.
Torture is also forbidden by international instruments, among them the African Charter of Human and People's Rights [Article 5]. The Statute of the international Criminal Court lists torture as a crime against humanity. There is also a special international convention on the subject - the International Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment of 1984. The underlying principle is that torture is never acceptable, under any circumstances.
It is high time that Zimbabwe signed the International Convention. At present Zimbabwe sticks out like a sore thumb in the region - all the countries round us have signed and ratified or acceded to [i.e. joined] the Convention. 12 out of 15 SADC States, and 47 out of 53 African States, have joined. Zimbabwe, which used to be a progressive leader in Africa, is now a country shamefully out of step with the rest of the continent
Most countries in the world except the most brutal of dictatorships have outlawed torture. Even when it has been used in the duress of military operations in a war situation there are always enquiries afterwards and those involved are punished.
The new US President Barack Obama has, in one of his first acts as President, ordered the closing down of the notorious Guantamano Bay detention centre, a military prison for persons taken into custody in the course of the US “war against terrorism”. There have been many allegations that some of the interrogation techniques used by US personnel there constituted torture. It is also of note that Cuba, which in the past has been suspicious of so-called western human rights instruments, in January announced an invitation to the UN Special Raporteur on Torture to visit Cuba on behalf of the United Nations Human Rights Council to investigate allegations of torture, disappearance and detention without trial.
What needs to be done to accede to the Convention against Torture
The decision has to be taken by the Government of the day, but it must also be approved by Parliament . The initiative could either come through Parliament or through the Ministry of Justice. It has still not been decided who will be the next Minister of Justice but in the meantime all those with access to Members of the House of Assembly or the Senate could start lobbying them to support a motion in Parliament to this effect. It would get a new government off to a very positive start and rebuild hope for the future if this was to be one of the earliest decisions of an inclusive government.
Abductees Court Proceedings Since 24 January 2009
Note: for full day by day details of events please see ZLHR reports available from kumbi@zlhr.org.zw.This email address is being protected from spam bots, you need Javascript enabled to view it
26 January: A magistrate dismissed an affidavit filed by State Security Minister Mutasa seeking to block investigations into allegations of torture made by members of the Dhlamini group of abductees. Police were ordered to continue their investigations into these allegations and report to the court on 9th February.
30 January: A magistrate postponed proceedings against Concillia and Emmanuel Chinanzvavana, Fidelis Chiramba, Pieta Kaseke, Violet Mupfuranhehwe and Collen Mutemagau until 9th February. Prisons were ordered to take Violet, Fidelis and Collen to Avenues Clinic for examination.
4 February: Bail applications by Jestina Mukoko, Concilia Chinanzvavana and others were rejected by a High Court judge. Leave to appeal to the Supreme Court against the rejection was refused. Defence lawyers stated their intention to apply to the Supreme Court for leave to appeal.
60 arrested as police crush students demo
Police on Tuesday brutally crushed a demonstration by University of Zimbabwe students. On Monday they were notified that they had to find US $ 400 in order to take exams due in eight days and that fees for the second semester would be US$ 1 000, to be paid before they could begin their studies. Hundreds of students began demonstrating against the fees early Tuesday.. Scores of armed riot police descended on the campus, released tear gas and then arrested about 60 students, five of whom were injured and needed medical attention. The whereabouts of three of the arrested students is still unknown. A student leader commented that the police reaction did not indicate any change of attitude and that there was still no willingness to allow free expression in spite of the inclusive government having now been agreed to by all parties.
Documents on Offer
Inter-Party Political Agreement
MDC National Council Resolutions of 30th January 2009
Affidavit of Minister of State Security blocking inquiry into torture and forced disappearances
Convention against Torture and list of states parties [states who have signed, ratified, acceded]
Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information supplied.
Last Updated ( Saturday, 07 February 2009 )
Friday, February 6, 2009
Zimbabwe's MDC plan to extradite Mengistu Haile Mariam to Ethiopia
http://www.timesonline.co.uk
From The Times
February 5, 2009
[ Mengistu Haile Mariam
For 17 years Mengistu Haile Mariam, the former Ethiopian dictator who slaughtered opponents on an industrial scale in the “Red Terror”, has lived in Zimbabwe as the honoured guest of Robert Mugabe, dividing his time between a heavily guarded villa in Harare, a farm near the capital and a retreat on glorious Lake Kariba.
Last year an Ethiopian court sentenced the “Butcher of Addis” to death after convicting him of genocide in absentia but Mr Mugabe flatly refused to extradite the man who helped to arm Zanu (PF)’s guerrillas during Zimbabwe’s 1970s liberation war.
Suddenly, however, the future of one of Africa’s worst tyrants looks less assured. Next week the Zimbabwe opposition Movement for Democratic Change will enter a unity government with Zanu (PF) and Nelson Chamisa, its chief spokesman, told The Times yesterday that Mengistu’s extradition to Ethiopia would be “high on the agenda” of that new administration.
“Zimbabwe should not be a safe haven or resting place for serial human rights violators like Mr Mengistu,” he said. “We can’t shelter purveyors of injustice.”
Few Zimbabweans would shed tears if Mengistu, 71, is sent home to the gallows. Mr Mugabe has spent millions of dollars providing him with a villa in a barricaded cul-de-sac in the Gun Hill suburb, with round-the-clock protection and any number of other benefits including the payment of substantial telephone bills, including one of $ 15,000.
In return Mengistu has advised Mr Mugabe on security issues, and was allegedly the mastermind of Operation Murambatsvina in 2006 in which security forces and Zanu (PF) thugs razed the homes of 700,000 slum-dwellers regarded as MDC supporters.
Mengistu has plenty of experience in that field. He seized power after a military coup in 1974 that ended Emperor Haile Selassie’s 44-year rule and ushered in one of the bloodiest regimes Africa has known.
In 1976 he mounted the “Red Terror” campaign against opponents of his Derg regime by standing in the centre of Addis Ababa, shouting: “Death to the counter-revolutionaries”, and smashing bottles filled with pigs’ blood to demonstrate the fate that awaited them.
Over the next few years more than half a million people were thought to have been killed in what Human Rights Watch called “one of the most systematic uses of mass murder ever witnessed in Africa”. Relatives had to pay a tax called “the wasted bullet” to retrieve the bodies of the dead. The victims included the former Emperor and numerous members of the Royal Family, and Mengistu is said to have executed some of them himself.
He turned Ethiopia into a Marxist state, backed by the Soviet Union, earning the sobriquet the “Black Stalin”. He created giant collective farms that had the same ruinous effect on agricultural production as Mr Mugabe’s land seizures in Zimbabwe, and that helped to cause terrible famine.
His Soviet-armed military sought to crush an independence war in Eritrea, and an uprising in Tigray province, but when the Soviet Union collapsed Mengistu lost his sponsors. In 1991 he fled to Zimbabwe as the Tigre People’s Liberation Front and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front surrounded Addis. Washington asked Mr Mugabe to accept him to end the bloodshed.
In 1995 Mengistu narrowly survived an assassination attempt by two Eritreans as he took an afternoon stroll with his wife near Garvin Close, his Harare home.
Otherwise he has maintained a low profile. Early on he was occasionally spotted in a shopping centre or restaurant, surrounded by guards and armed with a pistol. In 1998 he told a reporter that he was a “political refugee” who spent his time reading, writing and watching television.
In 1999, using a Zimbabwean diplomatic passport, he flew to Johannesburg for medical treatment, and gave a rare interview to a South African newspaper in which he claimed his socialist revolution had been necessary to remove Selassie’s “backward, archaic and feudalist system”, and that millions of peasants had benefited. More recently he has vanished from sight.
Mengistu’s armed guards were nowhere to be seen in Garvin Close yesterday, and The Times was able to drive right up the cul-de-sac before soldiers appeared and ordered the intruder to leave.
As Mr Mugabe’s popularity has plunged, Mengistu was rumoured to have made contingency plans to move to North Korea. Now might be the time to dust them off - if he has not done so already.
Times Archive, 1985: Feeding the tyrants
If we started assessing Colonel Mengitsu as an African Pol Pot it might alert more people to the enormity and criminality of what is going on in Ethiopia
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
Times Archive, 1985: Feeding the tyrants
If we started assessing Colonel Mengitsu as an African Pol Pot it might alert more people to the enormity and criminality of what is going on in Ethiopia
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
How Mengistu hammers the peasants
Crowd acclaims Ethiopia's strongman, 1977
Reign of terror
- Seized power in the aftermath of the 1974 coup against Emperor Haile Selassie, who died the following year
- Replaced the ancient feudal system with totalitarian rule from 1977, marked by “Red Terror” purges in which suspected enemies were rounded up and executed
- Tens of thousands were butchered or tortured. Thousands more civilians were caught in the crossfire of war against northern rebels and 700,000 peasants were resettled forcibly
- Up to one million Ethiopians starved to death in the 1984 famine, a direct result of his Marxist policies that left the country ravaged by economic decline
- Fled to Zimbabwe in 1991, after guerrilla forces led by Meles Zenawi toppled his regime
- Found guilty in absentia of genocide by Ethiopia’s supreme court last year and sentenced to death
Source: Times archives
From The Times
February 5, 2009
[ Mengistu Haile Mariam
For 17 years Mengistu Haile Mariam, the former Ethiopian dictator who slaughtered opponents on an industrial scale in the “Red Terror”, has lived in Zimbabwe as the honoured guest of Robert Mugabe, dividing his time between a heavily guarded villa in Harare, a farm near the capital and a retreat on glorious Lake Kariba.
Last year an Ethiopian court sentenced the “Butcher of Addis” to death after convicting him of genocide in absentia but Mr Mugabe flatly refused to extradite the man who helped to arm Zanu (PF)’s guerrillas during Zimbabwe’s 1970s liberation war.
Suddenly, however, the future of one of Africa’s worst tyrants looks less assured. Next week the Zimbabwe opposition Movement for Democratic Change will enter a unity government with Zanu (PF) and Nelson Chamisa, its chief spokesman, told The Times yesterday that Mengistu’s extradition to Ethiopia would be “high on the agenda” of that new administration.
“Zimbabwe should not be a safe haven or resting place for serial human rights violators like Mr Mengistu,” he said. “We can’t shelter purveyors of injustice.”
Few Zimbabweans would shed tears if Mengistu, 71, is sent home to the gallows. Mr Mugabe has spent millions of dollars providing him with a villa in a barricaded cul-de-sac in the Gun Hill suburb, with round-the-clock protection and any number of other benefits including the payment of substantial telephone bills, including one of $ 15,000.
In return Mengistu has advised Mr Mugabe on security issues, and was allegedly the mastermind of Operation Murambatsvina in 2006 in which security forces and Zanu (PF) thugs razed the homes of 700,000 slum-dwellers regarded as MDC supporters.
Mengistu has plenty of experience in that field. He seized power after a military coup in 1974 that ended Emperor Haile Selassie’s 44-year rule and ushered in one of the bloodiest regimes Africa has known.
In 1976 he mounted the “Red Terror” campaign against opponents of his Derg regime by standing in the centre of Addis Ababa, shouting: “Death to the counter-revolutionaries”, and smashing bottles filled with pigs’ blood to demonstrate the fate that awaited them.
Over the next few years more than half a million people were thought to have been killed in what Human Rights Watch called “one of the most systematic uses of mass murder ever witnessed in Africa”. Relatives had to pay a tax called “the wasted bullet” to retrieve the bodies of the dead. The victims included the former Emperor and numerous members of the Royal Family, and Mengistu is said to have executed some of them himself.
He turned Ethiopia into a Marxist state, backed by the Soviet Union, earning the sobriquet the “Black Stalin”. He created giant collective farms that had the same ruinous effect on agricultural production as Mr Mugabe’s land seizures in Zimbabwe, and that helped to cause terrible famine.
His Soviet-armed military sought to crush an independence war in Eritrea, and an uprising in Tigray province, but when the Soviet Union collapsed Mengistu lost his sponsors. In 1991 he fled to Zimbabwe as the Tigre People’s Liberation Front and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front surrounded Addis. Washington asked Mr Mugabe to accept him to end the bloodshed.
In 1995 Mengistu narrowly survived an assassination attempt by two Eritreans as he took an afternoon stroll with his wife near Garvin Close, his Harare home.
Otherwise he has maintained a low profile. Early on he was occasionally spotted in a shopping centre or restaurant, surrounded by guards and armed with a pistol. In 1998 he told a reporter that he was a “political refugee” who spent his time reading, writing and watching television.
In 1999, using a Zimbabwean diplomatic passport, he flew to Johannesburg for medical treatment, and gave a rare interview to a South African newspaper in which he claimed his socialist revolution had been necessary to remove Selassie’s “backward, archaic and feudalist system”, and that millions of peasants had benefited. More recently he has vanished from sight.
Mengistu’s armed guards were nowhere to be seen in Garvin Close yesterday, and The Times was able to drive right up the cul-de-sac before soldiers appeared and ordered the intruder to leave.
As Mr Mugabe’s popularity has plunged, Mengistu was rumoured to have made contingency plans to move to North Korea. Now might be the time to dust them off - if he has not done so already.
Times Archive, 1985: Feeding the tyrants
If we started assessing Colonel Mengitsu as an African Pol Pot it might alert more people to the enormity and criminality of what is going on in Ethiopia
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
Times Archive, 1985: Feeding the tyrants
If we started assessing Colonel Mengitsu as an African Pol Pot it might alert more people to the enormity and criminality of what is going on in Ethiopia
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
How Mengistu hammers the peasants
Crowd acclaims Ethiopia's strongman, 1977
Reign of terror
- Seized power in the aftermath of the 1974 coup against Emperor Haile Selassie, who died the following year
- Replaced the ancient feudal system with totalitarian rule from 1977, marked by “Red Terror” purges in which suspected enemies were rounded up and executed
- Tens of thousands were butchered or tortured. Thousands more civilians were caught in the crossfire of war against northern rebels and 700,000 peasants were resettled forcibly
- Up to one million Ethiopians starved to death in the 1984 famine, a direct result of his Marxist policies that left the country ravaged by economic decline
- Fled to Zimbabwe in 1991, after guerrilla forces led by Meles Zenawi toppled his regime
- Found guilty in absentia of genocide by Ethiopia’s supreme court last year and sentenced to death
Source: Times archives
Parliament approves Amendment 19
Posted to the web: 05/02/2009 14:52:12
ZIMBABWE’S parliament voted by two thirds majority to approve the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment 19 Bill on Thursday that will pave the way for a unity government next week.
The 210-member House of Assembly voted by 184 to zero in favour of the amendment which will create the new position of prime minister, a post that opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai is set to assume next Wednesday. The Bill only required 140 votes to pass.
The Bill was expected to be rushed through the Senate before being signed into law by President Robert Mugabe later Thursday.
Under the unity accord, Mugabe will remain as head of state, and the two parties will divide the cabinet posts.
Approval of the amendments marked a key step toward forming the government that was agreed to on September 15 but left in limbo amid fractious negotiations on how exactly to divide power between the parties.
Tendai Biti, the lead negotiator for Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), said it was a "miracle" that the parties had managed to agree on the unity accord at all.
"Everything has happened on the negotiating table other than physical confrontation. It is a miracle that we are here," he said at the start of the session before the amendment was adopted.
"We go into this government knowing that for this to work there has to be commitment," he said. "It is important to establish trust from the word go."
In elections last March the MDC seized a parliamentary majority for the first time and Tsvangirai defeated Mugabe in a first-round presidential vote.
The result sparked a wave of political violence, which Amnesty International says left more than 180 dead and targeted mainly MDC supporters.
Hoping to quell the violence, Tsvangirai pulled out of a runoff election in June, and Mugabe declared a one-sided 85 percent landslide victory denounced by the international community.
South Africa has mediated between the parties. Months of bickering over the division of cabinet posts and control of security forces ended only last week, after the rivals agreed to a compromise backed by regional leaders.
But they have still struggled to agree on who will control key cabinet posts, with Tsvangirai jetting to Cape Town on Wednesday for last-minute talks with South African President Kgalema Motlanthe.
Still, the bitterness remains clear.
"It has been a long, frustrating, quarrelsome journey characterised by animosity and name-calling, but notwithstanding this, what is important is we have reached this path," Mugabe's lead negotiator Patrick Chinamasa said at the opening of the session.
African leaders, and especially South Africa, are placing all their bets on this deal working. At the African Union summit in Ethiopia this week, they called for on the European Union and the United States to lift sanctions on Mugabe and his inner circle.
But western countries remain cautious, saying they want to see clear signs of progress before lifting the travel ban and asset freeze on Mugabe and his aides.
"While we underline that this is a positive development, it does not itself spell the end of the political, economic and humanitarian crises Zimbabwe finds itself in," EU ambassador to South Africa, Lodewijk Briet said in a statement.
"This first step towards normalising the situation in Zimbabwe must be underpinned by clear confidence building measures by the new government," he added, a sentiment that has been echoed in Washington.
Amid Zimbabwe's political paralysis, the economic and humanitarian crisis has deepened. Inflation, last estimated at 231 million percent in July, is now believed many times higher.
Unemployment is at 94 percent, while seven million Zimbabweans -- more than half the population -- need emergency food aid. - Staff Reporter/AFP
ZIMBABWE’S parliament voted by two thirds majority to approve the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment 19 Bill on Thursday that will pave the way for a unity government next week.
The 210-member House of Assembly voted by 184 to zero in favour of the amendment which will create the new position of prime minister, a post that opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai is set to assume next Wednesday. The Bill only required 140 votes to pass.
The Bill was expected to be rushed through the Senate before being signed into law by President Robert Mugabe later Thursday.
Under the unity accord, Mugabe will remain as head of state, and the two parties will divide the cabinet posts.
Approval of the amendments marked a key step toward forming the government that was agreed to on September 15 but left in limbo amid fractious negotiations on how exactly to divide power between the parties.
Tendai Biti, the lead negotiator for Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), said it was a "miracle" that the parties had managed to agree on the unity accord at all.
"Everything has happened on the negotiating table other than physical confrontation. It is a miracle that we are here," he said at the start of the session before the amendment was adopted.
"We go into this government knowing that for this to work there has to be commitment," he said. "It is important to establish trust from the word go."
In elections last March the MDC seized a parliamentary majority for the first time and Tsvangirai defeated Mugabe in a first-round presidential vote.
The result sparked a wave of political violence, which Amnesty International says left more than 180 dead and targeted mainly MDC supporters.
Hoping to quell the violence, Tsvangirai pulled out of a runoff election in June, and Mugabe declared a one-sided 85 percent landslide victory denounced by the international community.
South Africa has mediated between the parties. Months of bickering over the division of cabinet posts and control of security forces ended only last week, after the rivals agreed to a compromise backed by regional leaders.
But they have still struggled to agree on who will control key cabinet posts, with Tsvangirai jetting to Cape Town on Wednesday for last-minute talks with South African President Kgalema Motlanthe.
Still, the bitterness remains clear.
"It has been a long, frustrating, quarrelsome journey characterised by animosity and name-calling, but notwithstanding this, what is important is we have reached this path," Mugabe's lead negotiator Patrick Chinamasa said at the opening of the session.
African leaders, and especially South Africa, are placing all their bets on this deal working. At the African Union summit in Ethiopia this week, they called for on the European Union and the United States to lift sanctions on Mugabe and his inner circle.
But western countries remain cautious, saying they want to see clear signs of progress before lifting the travel ban and asset freeze on Mugabe and his aides.
"While we underline that this is a positive development, it does not itself spell the end of the political, economic and humanitarian crises Zimbabwe finds itself in," EU ambassador to South Africa, Lodewijk Briet said in a statement.
"This first step towards normalising the situation in Zimbabwe must be underpinned by clear confidence building measures by the new government," he added, a sentiment that has been echoed in Washington.
Amid Zimbabwe's political paralysis, the economic and humanitarian crisis has deepened. Inflation, last estimated at 231 million percent in July, is now believed many times higher.
Unemployment is at 94 percent, while seven million Zimbabweans -- more than half the population -- need emergency food aid. - Staff Reporter/AFP
Tuesday, February 3, 2009
REGIME CHANGE IS INEVITABLE
Friday, 30 January 2009
makumbe_header.jpg
BY John Makumbe
‘Regime change has to result in most of our present oppressors fleeing from Zimbabwe in fear for their lives’
It is now almost a year since the majority of the voters in Zimbabwe rejected Robert Mugabe and Zanu (PF) as their rulers in March 2008. In the past eleven odd months, Mugabe and his beleaguered political party have tried every trick in the book to thwart the people’s choice of a national leadership, but none of their tricks has worked. Zimbabwe is still sliding downhill in practically all aspects of nationhood.
The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) must be commended for firmly resisting both the dictator and the toothless Southern African Development Community (SADC) in their efforts to keep Mugabe and Zanu (PF) in power. Both Mugabe and his devastated political party know very well that their rejection by the people of Zimbabwe means that even the international community has also rejected them as leaders of this nation. They can try all they want to remain in power but regime change is well and truly on the way. They may succeed in delaying it, but they will not be able to stop it.
Robert Mugabe has made so many enemies for himself that it does not require that Tsvangirai should seek to discredit him any further both within and outside Zimbabwe. It was utter folly on Mugabe’s part to falsely accuse Botswana of training MDC supporters in banditry so that they could overthrow him from power. These accusations were not laughed at only by Sadc leaders, but also by many people in the international community as well as in Zimbabwe.
The reeling authoritarian regime went on to kidnap several MDC supporters and forcibly made them “confess” to having been trained in Botswana in banditry tactics. The futility of the whole exercise is highlighted by the Sadc’s refusal to question Botswana on these allegations. A sensible government would have been embarrassed by this attitude of the Sadc, but not our very own tyrannical regime. A regime that goes as far as kidnapping its own citizens in order to force them to admit having committed crimes has clearly become satanic and evil. To date some of the kidnapped activists are still missing. Whether he likes it or not, Mugabe will one day have a lot to answer for.
Indeed, when regime change finally occurs there will be many in Zanu (PF) and the Mugabe government who will have to face the wrath of the law for their actions against the people of this country. Fortunately the names of most of these criminals are currently being recorded as evidence that can be used against them in courts of law. It is obvious that the kidnapping of Jestina Mukoko and two of her Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP) colleagues was aimed at getting at some of this evidence by state hoodlums. What they did not realize is that all such evidence is carefully duplicated and backed up in case of such raids as they committed against the ZPP.
Some of these people will be shocked to find out when regime change takes place, that there will be mountains of evidence against them coming in from all over the world. There will be no place to hide. The spurious accusations against innocent Botswana mean that these thieves and murderers will not be able to seek refuge in that peaceful country when the chips fall. Perhaps South Africa and Namibia will take them in and grand them refugee status. Mugabe and his family will most likely flee to Malaysia where, it is rumoured, he owns a spacious house and possibly even a farm. Regime change has to result in most of our present oppressors fleeing from Zimbabwe in fear for their lives.
makumbe_header.jpg
BY John Makumbe
‘Regime change has to result in most of our present oppressors fleeing from Zimbabwe in fear for their lives’
It is now almost a year since the majority of the voters in Zimbabwe rejected Robert Mugabe and Zanu (PF) as their rulers in March 2008. In the past eleven odd months, Mugabe and his beleaguered political party have tried every trick in the book to thwart the people’s choice of a national leadership, but none of their tricks has worked. Zimbabwe is still sliding downhill in practically all aspects of nationhood.
The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) must be commended for firmly resisting both the dictator and the toothless Southern African Development Community (SADC) in their efforts to keep Mugabe and Zanu (PF) in power. Both Mugabe and his devastated political party know very well that their rejection by the people of Zimbabwe means that even the international community has also rejected them as leaders of this nation. They can try all they want to remain in power but regime change is well and truly on the way. They may succeed in delaying it, but they will not be able to stop it.
Robert Mugabe has made so many enemies for himself that it does not require that Tsvangirai should seek to discredit him any further both within and outside Zimbabwe. It was utter folly on Mugabe’s part to falsely accuse Botswana of training MDC supporters in banditry so that they could overthrow him from power. These accusations were not laughed at only by Sadc leaders, but also by many people in the international community as well as in Zimbabwe.
The reeling authoritarian regime went on to kidnap several MDC supporters and forcibly made them “confess” to having been trained in Botswana in banditry tactics. The futility of the whole exercise is highlighted by the Sadc’s refusal to question Botswana on these allegations. A sensible government would have been embarrassed by this attitude of the Sadc, but not our very own tyrannical regime. A regime that goes as far as kidnapping its own citizens in order to force them to admit having committed crimes has clearly become satanic and evil. To date some of the kidnapped activists are still missing. Whether he likes it or not, Mugabe will one day have a lot to answer for.
Indeed, when regime change finally occurs there will be many in Zanu (PF) and the Mugabe government who will have to face the wrath of the law for their actions against the people of this country. Fortunately the names of most of these criminals are currently being recorded as evidence that can be used against them in courts of law. It is obvious that the kidnapping of Jestina Mukoko and two of her Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP) colleagues was aimed at getting at some of this evidence by state hoodlums. What they did not realize is that all such evidence is carefully duplicated and backed up in case of such raids as they committed against the ZPP.
Some of these people will be shocked to find out when regime change takes place, that there will be mountains of evidence against them coming in from all over the world. There will be no place to hide. The spurious accusations against innocent Botswana mean that these thieves and murderers will not be able to seek refuge in that peaceful country when the chips fall. Perhaps South Africa and Namibia will take them in and grand them refugee status. Mugabe and his family will most likely flee to Malaysia where, it is rumoured, he owns a spacious house and possibly even a farm. Regime change has to result in most of our present oppressors fleeing from Zimbabwe in fear for their lives.
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