Tuesday, November 18, 2008

Lessons drenched in blood( A reminder not to loose guard)

Gukurahundi massacres: lessons drenched in blood

By Lance Guma

HISTORY is littered with events that clearly show Robert Mugabe was always a
dictator, mind, body and soul.
Since assuming the captaincy of the Zimbabwean ship in April 1980, he has
never tolerated opposition to his rule in whatever form. Political
scientists contend he set sail well but somehow lost the compass midway
hence the current sinking ship.

Events however, tell a different story.

That Mugabe was at one time the darling of the international community is
not in doubt. A well pronounced reconciliation policy, advances in
education, health and the provision of social services enabled him to mask
his intolerance of internal opposition and deferred for sometime the
unmasking of his true colours.

Four months after democratically taking power in 1980, Robert Mugabe then
Prime Minister, signed an agreement with the North Korean government led by
President Kim II Sung, providing for the Koreans to train a brigade in the
Zimbabwean army to in Mugabe's words, "combat malcontents."
While the rest of the world including the legendary Reggae musical prophet,
Bob Marley, euphorically gloated over Zimbabwes' hard won independence the
incumbent 'statesman' was already planning how to crush the opposition.
Despite the existence of a police force and army that could easily contain
any civil unrest, 106 Koreans arrived in August 1981 pursuant to the August
1980 agreement to train what would become an infamous 5 brigade.
Wearing red berrets to distinguish from the regular army the brigade drawn
from 3500 ex−ZANLA troops butchered over 20 000 people living in the
southern parts of Zimbabwe believed to be opposition supporters. Mugabe
christened the new brigade, 'Gukurahundi' which, loosely translated, means
'the rain which washes away the chaff before the spring rains'. The
opposition ZAPU led by the late nationalist Dr Joshua Nkomo had won a
sizeable number of seats in the new parliament and clearly fitted thedescription of 'chaff' as it stood between him and total domination.

A state of emergency in place since 1965 way before independence was
maintained by Mugabe for a decade until July 1990, an ominous sign that
nothing was changing except the colour of the new ruler's skin. The
Gukurahundi era began to define the role of particular organisations in the
maintenance of Mugabe's smartly disguised but brutal 'life presidency'.
These were Youth Brigades, Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), Police
Internal Security Intelligence Unit (PISI), Police Support Unit (PSU),
Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) and the army. Most if not all these
organisations relied heavily on archaic and abhorent colonial legislation to
subvert justice. Up to now these organisations continue to play an intergral
role in keeping Mugabe in power using the same legislation now spruced up by
hired 'Professors' with seemingly dignified titles but rudely oppressive
anyhow ie Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA),
Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and the Broadcasting Act which grants
the state broadcaster an embarrassingly naked monopoly over the airwaves.

In the run up to the 1985 elections the ZANU PF Youth Brigades ideologically
modelled on the Chinese Red Guard rampaged through the country meting out
violence to mainly Ndebele speakers who were presumed to be supporters of
Nkomo's ZAPU. They carried out mob beatings, burnt homes and murdered
innocent civilians while responding to Mugabe's chilling calling, 'go and
uproot the weeds from your gardens.' Nothing has changed. Youth brigades now
being officially produced from the Border Gezi training camps under the
guise of a 'national service drive' are doing the same to MDC supporters
across the country.

The Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) was used to facilitate the
'disappearance' of people deemed a threat to 'state security'. Sydney
Malunga the oppositions Chief Whip in parliament at the time, famous as an
outspoken legislator was arrested in 1986 on charges of assisting the
'dissidents' before the treason charges were dropped. He died in a
suspicious accident when his car collided with a 'black dog' (underground
jargon for army truck). Christopher Giwa a former University of Zimbabwe
student leader who had embarrassed Mugabe during a Commonwealth Heads of
Government Summit (CHOGM) in Harare by organising a demonstration died when
his small Nissan Pulsar vehicle collided with another black dog.

The deaths of Rashiwe Guzha, Captain Nleya, Mthandazo Ndema Ngwenya, Samson
Benard Paweni and many others remain shrouded in mystery and suspicion. Now
that Zimbabwe has a vibrant, diligent and brave independent press this
'disappearing' function of the CIO has been whittled down and confined to
sophisticated assignments.

The death of Insiza MDC member of parliament George Joe Ndlovu who is
alleged to have eaten a poisoned apple at a function in Masvingo is another
reminder snakes will always be snakes. He had a blackout while driving and
had an accident. The job was finished off in hospital. Evidence is mounting
that Mugabe worried about retributions when he leaves the scene wants to fiddle the with the constitution but can only gain a two thirds majority by
eliminating MDC parliamentarians and rigging the resulting by−elections.
Another tragic addition to this long list of examples is the suspicious
death of Learnmore Jongwe the oppositions former spokesman and legislator in
remand prison awaiting trial for allegedly stabbing his wife to death in a
domestic dispute. At the time of his arrest government went out of its way
to spread the falsehood that the former student leader and lawyer wanted to
commit suicide soon after the incident as an advance pretext for denying him
bail using a compromised judiciary. Speculation is also rife they offered
him an 'information for freedom' deal which he rudely turned down.It is now
clear his being kept in custody was to fulfil the grand plan of reducing MDC
legislators by hook or crook. This sad era in the history of Zimbabwe showed
Mugabe's perchant for rewarding evil.

The commander of the 5 brigade, Colonel Perence Shiri at the time, who
presided over the atrocities later described as 'a moment of madness' by
Mugabe himself is now Air Marshall Shiri, the supreme head of Zimbabwe's
Airforce. Mugabe's other henchmen through this period, the current Speaker
of Parliament, Emmerson Mnangagwa and Defence Minister, Sydney Sekeramayi
are his closest aides and have survived numerous reshuffles by Mugabe. The
two are currently being touted as the leading contenders to the Zimbabwean
throne. ZANU PF's current tactic of whimsically arresting opposition leaders
on charges ranging from inciting violence, murder and treason without ever
securing a conviction can also be traced to this period in history.

In 1982 Dumiso Dabengwa (ZIPRA's Intelligence Supremo) , Lookout Masuku
(Army General) and four others faced treason charges which were later
quashed by the Supreme Court for lack of credible evidence. Mugabe accused
Dabengwa of writing a letter to Michail Gorbachev (former USSR president)
asking for assistance in toppling Mugabe. The Soviets however denied this.
Inspite of the Supreme Court order Dabengwa and Masuku were redetained and
spent four years in custody without trial courtesy of Mugabe's often abused
'emergency regulations'. Masuku died in suspicious circumstances a few weeks
after his release and Dabengwa was rewarded with a cabinet post in a unified
government much later. Masuku was belatedly declared a national hero only
after intense lobbying found a guilty Mugabe eager to appease the
Matabeleland region he had abused for a long time.

The late Dr Joshua Nkomo and Rev Ndabaningi Sithole, father figures in
Zimbabwean nationalism both faced charges of trying to kill Mugabe despite
evidence to the opposite. MDC President Morgan Tsvangirai faced similar
charges before being acquitted. ZANU PF has perfected the art of
manufacturing events in order to justify any excesses they may commit. the
discovery of arms caches in February of 1982 which soured the intergration
of ZIPRA and ZANLA forces into one army had all the makings of a
manufactured event coming fresh after the Entumbane Uprising in which the
two sides fought each other for two days. Evidence clearly showed government
had planted the arms to gain a pretext for unleashing the 5 brigade.

The kidnapping and murder, in 1982 of 6 foreign tourists was also suspicious
Lessons drenched in blood as it allowed the regime to effect past colonial immunity laws that protected members of the security forces from prosecution if they committed
any crimes. Similarly the murder of Bulawayo War Veteran leader, Cain Nkala
had all the makings of an inside job as it allowed Mugabe the much needed
chance and consequent mileage to brand the MDC a violent party, when his
death was of no material benefit to the opposition at all.

If the world is surprised at Mugabe's behaviour it is because it failed to
understand his intolerance from the word go. Mugabe is as predictable as the
rising sun and none know this more than those who have borne the brunt of
his brute. The saying, history repeats itself because we are not paying
attention the first time is given credence by the story of Mugabe more the
leader of a band of crooks than of a country.

The author works as a Producer/Presenter for SWRADIOAFRICA. The views
expressed in this article are his own personal views.

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