Statement on the Current Political Situation in Zimbabwe to the Southern Africa Trade Union Coordination Council (SATUCC) Leaders gathered for the Co

By Zimbabweans Living in Botswana


Summary: Post Election Violence 29 March 2008


Post 29 March 2008 Zimbabwe has seen unprecedented violence since Gukuruhundi in the early 1980’s. The violence was country wide, and involved both urban and rural communities. It was systematic, as repeated in narrative after narrative, “I was taken because my name was on a list, and I was beaten because of my involvement or my relative’s involvement with the MDC T”. It was organised and supported by the Zimbabwe National Army as evidenced by the number of ZNA perpetrators, and executed by ZANU PF youth, supporters and war veterans. Victims were not protected by the police, in more than 80% of cases the police initially refused to take statements from the victims. 90% of all deaths and people seeking medical assistance are active members of the MDC T, and form part of the organising structures of the party. Most of the victims were not only assaulted, but displaced and had property destroyed and looted. There are records of 880 homesteads being burned to the ground.

192 people have been verified as being murdered, often after abduction, and the bodies dumped in other areas, only being found after several weeks. There are credible witness reports of 18 bodies being found in one dam in Mashonaland East, and several bodies in other dams in the province and other provinces. 2 victims give reports at attempted disposal in dams, after severe assaults, when the assailants presumed them dead.

There are dozens of missing activists; some disappeared since May 2008, with police refusing to take reports of their disappearance. In the most recent abduction of 15 key MDC party members and one 2 year old child in Mashonaland West, despite three High Court orders, they remain unaccounted for, and there is increasing concern that they have been murdered. During the arrest, police siezed property, computers etc, from the home of MDC’s national official Concilia Chinanzvavana. They are alleged to be among 12 MDC activists who are said to have received military training in Botswana, the allegations have since proved to be false.

Over 6000 people, including 10% under the age of 12, and 15% over the age of 60 have sought medical treatment countrywide. Of particular note is that 176 people were injured in the period 27 June to the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding on the 20 July 2008, and that since then 123 people have been targeted and assaulted. Previously injured people are giving credible reports that their names are still on targeted lists, and that in the next round of violence they will be killed.
Of particular note is that over 100 victims who were injured before the 27 June presidential election were delayed in seeking treatment for up to three months, and several of these had serious injuries including fractures.

15th September Agreement

We the Zimbabwean citizens living in Botswana are greatly concerned by the continued non-implementation of the 15th September agreement reached by between Zanu (PF) and the MDC. The non-implementation the above agreement that could have ushered a New government which could have brought an end to the current political paralysis affecting service delivery such as health, education, and food has remained our major concern.

We are reliably informed that Robert Mugabe and his civilian military junta are not committed to a genuine power sharing agreement as expressed by his unilateral grabing of key ministry such Home Affairs, Defence, Intelligents, Information and Publicity. For many years, Mugabe has been at the fore front of abusing these particular Ministries to suppress the will of the Zimbabwe People through vote rigging, arbitrary arrests, misinformation, torture and rape. This systematic abuse of power has seen many Zimbabwean going into exile to neighbouring countries such as South Africa; Botswana, Zambia etc. to seek political and economic asylum. Currently an estimated one million economically displaced people are living and working in Botswana running away from unprecedented unemployment levels in Zimbabwe resulting from the economic meltdown.

Current Health Crisis

The health system in Zimbabwe has been under severe strain for the past few years, but in recent weeks has collapsed completely. The main referral hospitals country-wide are closed or barely functioning, with skeleton staff and no drugs. The main government maternity hospital in Harare closed three weeks ago, leaving no method of delivery for all women requiring assisted or operative delivery. There has been a 3 fold increase in brain damage of children in the past three years, indicating the tragedy of the failing health system.

Anti-retroviral and anti-TB drugs are only intermittently available, posing a serious health threat to the region.

However, the greatest health threat is the lack of delivery of regular clean water to the cities and high density suburbs, resulting in unsafe sanitation, and shallow unprotected wells providing limited water to the communities. Diarrhoeal disease has increased significantly, and now cholera is established country wide. 8887 cases have been documented and 366 deaths, giving a death rate of 4%. Cholera death rates in well controlled epidemics should not exceed 1%. The death rates in some areas have reached as high as 20%.
Cholera is now being reported in the Harare Central Prison, with 7 known deaths. The prisoners are not yet being taken for treatment, so the death rate in these institutions may be catastrophic, as the health of the prisoners is already compromised due to severe malnutrition. Some penal institutions have been releasing prisoners due to an inability to provide food, and there are credible reports of up to 20 nutrition related deaths per day.

Appeal To Trade Union Leaders

We, Zimbabweans living and working in Botswana, appeal to SATUCC and its affiliate trade unions to unreservedly condemn the Mugabe regime and its military junta for its intransigence, which threatens to derail the ongoing dialogue process.

We urgently appeal to SATUCC to urge the parties to the agreement to urgently enact constoitution amendment No 19 and the resolution of all other outstanding issues in order to achieve equitable and sustainable all inclusive power sharing.

We further appeal to SATUCC and its affliate Unions to condemn the continued acts of violence and abductions that are being pertrated against innocent civillians in pursuit of parochial goals.
We further more appeal to SATUCC and its affiliates to use their influence and demand unfettered access in both the distribution of aid and assessment of the humanitarian situation in Zimbabwe. In this regard we view that the action of the regime in Harare of barring the team of elders who were genuinely concerned about the suffering of the generality of Zimbabweans be equally unreservedly condemned.

The shameful action of the Mugabe regime is a clear contempt of the wisdom of such eminent African leaders such as Mr. Mandela, the former President of South Africa who is a founder of the Elders group.

We, Zimbabweans working in Botswana, have always viewed SATUCC and its affiliate unions as the voice of the voiceless in the SADC region and as such it is our strong belief that the leaders will use their collective power and wisdom to highlight the suffering of the Zimbabwean masses and urge their respective governments to condemn the Mugabe regime for having ruined a once prosperous economy.

MDC not part of inclusive government until outstanding issues are resolved

Opinion
November 21, 2008 | By Nelson Chamisa | © zimbabwemetro.com ⋅


The MDC would like to dismiss distortions and fabrications being peddled by the state media in reference to the MDC’s position regarding the formation of an inclusive government.

On Friday 15 November 2008, the MDC’s supreme decision making body, the National Council met in Harare and unanimously resolved to reject the SADC Troika’s resolution and ruling.

However, the state media especially The Herald and ZBC are channeling falsehoods claiming that the MDC had resolved to join Zanu PF in the inclusive government regardless of the defects and deficiencies in the agreement as currently obtaining.

This statement by the state media is totally misleading and the MDC is concerned that the state media is in violation of the global political agreement signed on 15 September 2008, which states that the public media should provide balanced and fair coverage to all political parties.

The misrepresentation of facts by the state media is very mischievous as the people of Zimbabwe would like to know the truth concerning the issue on the formation of an inclusive government.

On Friday the National Council met and rejected SADC Troika’s resolution of 28 October 2008 seeking to erroneously reduce the sticking points to only the Ministry of Home Affairs.

The council also resolved that in the event of an illegimate government being formed by Zanu PF, the MDC would not be part to the same and will peacefully, constitutionally and democratically mobilize
and campaign against the illegitimate government.

For the avoidance of doubt the National Council resolutions clearly stated that the MDC shall participate in a new government only if the following issues are resolved;

1. The equitability and fairness in the allocation and distribution of all ministerial portfolios
2. The equitable allocation of Provincial Governors
3. The legal passage of Constitutional Amendment No.19
4. The constitution and composition of the National Security Council
5. Correction of mischievous omission in the agreement signed on the
15th of September 2008
6. The appointment of senior government officials such as Permanent
Secretaries and Ambassadors

MDC Information and Publicity Department.

A Bleak future for Zimbabwe

Opinion
November 24, 2008 | By Douglas Mwonzora | © zimbabwemetro.com ⋅ Email This Email This | ⋅ Post a comment

Mugabe’s eighteen tactics of destructions

To the average Zimbabwean, 29th of March did not present an opportunity of retribution or counter plunder but rather a perfect opportunity to do away a with tyrannical, incompetent, inefficient, corrupt and pestilential regime. It presented a hope to bring about a sensitive administration that would redress and cure all the man made damage to our political economy. That is why the aftermath of March 29 saw absolutely no acts of retribution or ill treatment of the defeated by the victors. The light heartedness and love with which Zanu (PF) members were treated bear testimony to this assertion.

The 29th of March therefore presented this nation with an incredible, rare but golden opportunity for national healing and reconciliation.

Regrettably however as imperial evidence shows, Robert Mugabe, a bitter, old and failed statesman has literally turned March 29 into a national tragedy. His manipulation of the Zimbabwe Election Commission in its publication of the Presidential results are a matter of common knowledge. His incitement of the security forces, youth militia and outright criminals to turn against the people like a monolithic vampire are a matter of historical record.

Having safely pocketed the presidential “booty”, Mugabe then sought a “negotiated settlement” to the Zimbabwean crisis. Suddenly he became “a magnanimous victor reaching out to his enemies” for a government of national unity.

The aim of this article is to show and hopefully prove that inspite of all the public posturing Robert Mugabe is on the war path with the people of Zimbabwe and any right thinking outsiders who dare oppose him. It is further to explore and analyze the Eighteen tactics that are being employed in this evil endeavour.

B. A BRIEF HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF MUGABE’S TREATMENT OF
OPPOSITION
Historically Robert Mugabe is an isolationist. In his youth, in Zvimba after altercations with his peers during cattle herding, which altercations were usually started by him, he would take his mothers herd (rumoured to be only 9) isolate them from the rest, drive them away and herd them on his own. During the liberation struggle he became more violent and brutal to his opposition. It is a matter of public record that he peddled lies about Ndabaningi Sithole who was in prison, leading to the his disposition as Zanu leader. In Mozambique all those who opposed him werr “jailed” in the Mozambiquean jungle for the entire duration of the war. Theses include the late Henry Hamadziripi and Rugare Gumbo who ironically is now Minister for Agriculture. Their crime has never been disclosed. One top official was tied to a tree in a national park beset by lions in Mozambique and left at the mercy of these preditors for a period of 3 days for opposing Mugabe.

One of Mugabe’s victims after independence was Bishop Muzorewa who was detained without trial on trumped up charges. He was never brought to trial.
Importantly faced with a potent fore PF Zapu, Mugabe resorted to peddling false hoods about its intention to resort to banditry. The people in Matebeleland were subjected to illegal detentions, torture harassment and murder. The trials and tribulations of Late Joshua Nkomo, Lookout Masuku and Dumiso Dabengwa are all matters of historical record.

The historical data clearly shows that Mugabe’s treatment of his opponents is pathological. In his mind his opponents have to be obliterated and bloated from the face of the earth or forever be condemned to political death. In spite of his hollow platitudes of unity and peace Mugabe is now more dangerous to the people of Zimbabwe than ever before.

C. MUGABES 18 TACTICS

1.DIVIDING THE OPPOSITION: BUYING OVER MDC – M

Mugabe has sought to drive a wedge between the two MDC formations. He has done so by selectively vilifying the MDC –T and portraying it as less rational than the MDC – M. He has sought to go to bed with tactless Mutambara in a bid to show that he can accommodate opposition. In Parliament he sought to support and sponsor MDC – M candidate for the position of Speaker of the House of Assembly. Indeed in most public appearances Professor Mutambara has began more and more to sound and behave like Mugabe’s alter ego. The main purpose of this fake unity was to use Mutambara to provide “a balancing act” during power sharing negotiations and tilt the negotiations in Mugabes favour. Regrettably for Mugabe and Mutambara, this tactic does not appear to have much potency as Zimbabweans have now seen through it.

2.CONTINUOUS HARASSMENT OF THE OPPOSITION

Most leaders have been brutalized by security forces in a bid to break their revolutionary spirit and resolve. Most of these are on trial on trumped criminal charges army personnel and state security agents have been into the rural areas to specifically harass the MDC-T leadership. The Police have been instructed to turn a blind eye on the criminal acts perpetrated on the MDC-T leadership by Zanu (PF) thugs and at the same time deal ruthlessly with the MDC-T leadership who wish to retaliate. At the local level therefore the Zanu (PF) leadership enjoys criminal immunity for harassing the MDC- T leadership.

3.TRICKERY BORDERING ON CRIMINALITY

It is now a matter of common record that the Global Political Agreement that was reached on the 11th of September 2005. The text agreed and initialed by the three principals on 11th September 2008 is substantially different from the bound text presented for official signature on 15th September 2008. That variation in the agreement was meant to trick the opposition and well meaning SADC leadership into signing the wrong agreement. The alteration of the agreement to suit him (Mugabe) was done in the hope that the world would not read the fine print. This tactic, which is trickery bordering on criminality will be used at every opportunity by Mugabe and his government to achieve their sordid objectives.

4.PROLONGING THE OBVIOUS

An analysis of Mugabe’s behaviour during the power sharing talks clearly shows that Mugabe is bidding for time. One of the clauses in the agreement is that should one party pull out of the Global Political Agreement then there should be a general election. Mugabe and Zanu (PF) know that they would not win this election if it is conducted in a free and fair environment. In fact the surest way of getting Mugabe out of power is through a free and fair election in Zimbabwe. But Mugabe wants to prolong that eventuality. With the economy out of control Mugabe’s unpopularity is also going out of control. This tactic of bidding for time is simply prolonging the obvious.

5.FRUSTRATING AND CIRCUMVENTING THE G.P.A

Despite tempering with the document Mugabe still believes that the GPA was a bad deal for him. To circumvent its clear spirit Mugabe has gone ahead and made unilateral appointments of the Provincial Governors in all the country’s ten provinces. He has also made unilateral appointments to the Senate. Although the G.P,A calls for a return to the rule of law, respect human rights and an end to violence Mugabe has not respected any of these. All this is meant to scuttle the G.P.A.

6.BULLYING STRESSED SADC MEMBERS

Some members of SADC like, DRC, Angola, Lesotho and Mozambique are militarily depended in Zimbabwe one way or the other. These members dare not criticize or chastise Mugabe because they badly need his generous military hand. He has exploited these into supporting his evil endeavours. These dependent and potentially dependent countries have never spoken against Mugabe’s policies. Mugabe has converted this into “regional support”. The dependency of these countries on Mugabe inevitably compromises their potency and suitability in dealing with the Zimbabwean crises.

7.DECIMATION OF THE MDC- T MEMBRSHIP

The murders that were perpetrated by the Zanu (PF) members of the MDC- T membership was meant to decimate the latter. Right now most MDC – T leadership and the legislators are on the Zanu (PF) state security, police and army hit lists. The intimidation, harassment and torture of MDC – T people was also meant to decimate MDC- T membership. Surprisingly this tactic has not yielded the desired results because the MDC – T membership is swelling by the day.

8.DISTROYING MDC- T STRUCTURES

In most rural areas MDC – T was a well structured party with, provincial executive committees, District Executive Committees, Ward Executives Committees and Village Executive Committees. It had cells in the villages. All these structures have been targeted by the police, C.I.O and the army for harassment. The aim is to destroy these structures and therefore compromise the MDC-T’s organizational ability.

9.STRESSING MDC-T LEGISLATORS AND COUNCILLORS

A big number of MDC-T legislators are unemployed. After March 29 they were denied a salary from Parliament for a period in excess of six months. Most of them ran into debt. They were also denied traditional parliamentary vehicles. Although on paper they are entitled to weekly fuel supplies this fuel has not been forthcoming in the past weeks. This is meant to economically squeeze the MDC- T legislator and make them less effective in their respective constituencies. The legislators have also been denied the fertilizer, seed and food allocation for their constituencies. Again the aim is to bring feelings of revulsion and drive a wedge between the population and the elected MDC-T officials.

10.SHARPENING AND INTENSIFYING ANTI-MDC PROPAGANDA

Mugabe has maintained a tight grip and has retained monopoly on the state electronic and print media. This media has spear headed a relentless attack on the MDC leadership especially on Morgan Tsvangirayi. The reporting has been embarrassingly one sided hysterical and rhetorical. In the sate media, Morgan Tsvangirayi and MDC –T are portrayed as dull irrational and unpatriotic. Their genuine positions are never published. Just like the Pravda in communist Russia The Herald is being used by this regime as the medium of launching vitriolic attacks on the opposition.

11.MAINTENANCE OF A DE FACTO STATE OF EMERGENCY

Zimbabwe is in a de facto state of emergency. Most MDC supporters are detained without charge or trial. Their basic human rights including equal treatment before the law, freedom of expression, opinion, association and assembly are abrogated everyday by the state, C.I.O, the army and the police. This suspension of human rights by the government is meant to stifle democratic discourse in our country and tilt political power in favour of Zanu (PF) and Mugabe.

12.SILENT LAND GRABBING

The SADCC Tribunal recently issued an order to the Zimbabwean government to stop any further farm acquisitions. However the government has continued issuing offer letters in respect to ungazetted land. The land targeted is that which belongs to known MDC activists and sympathizers. All farms that employ MDC supporters as labourers are also targeted for illegal acquisition. This land is then parceled out to the army, police and C.I.O officials.

13.IRRATIONALISATION OF PARLIAMENT

Zanu (PF) has instructed its Parliamentarians to be extremely irrational in Parliament. They have refused to debate the important motion on political violence. In fact they planned and threatened to disrupt parliamentary business should this motion be debated. They are disruptive and disrespectiful of the Speaker of Parliament. They trash such important motions like the motion on the food crisis. This irrationalisation of Parliament is a deliberate ploy to make sure that nothing of substance comes out of Parliament. This Parliamentary failure is then going to be
attributed to MDC-T which has a majority in Parliament.

14.THE ILLUSION OF BANDITRY

Mugabe is plotting a violent crack down on the MDC and its supporters. In order to do this he needs to invent a reason. As the Nigerian saying goes “when a hyena wants to devour its young ones, it starts by accusing them of smelling like goats”. In the run up to the June 2008 madness Mugabe accused the MDC – T supporters of provoking Zanu (PF) supporters. The result was a massive crackdown on innocent MDC members. This is not new and has been used against P.F Zapu, the UANC and Zanu (Ndonga). Recently the state militia has started peddling lies that MDC is training a militia in Botswana. Everybody knows that this is a lie. The main aim however is to justify a crackdown on the MDC-T supporters and officials. This violent crackdown is clearly looming and may reach genocidal proportions if not checked or nipped in the bud.

15. MAINTENANCE OF A CORRUPT GOVERNMENT

Mugabe has retained a government headed by a cabinet that he dissolved in February 2008. All the Ministers including those that lost the election and were not even brought back via the backdoor exercise their cabinet functions. For Mugabe therefore it is business as usual. The scuttling of the talks is therefore meant to prolong the life of that cabinet.

16.MILITARISATION OF KEY CIVILIAN INSTITUTIONS

In Zimbabwe the army is everywhere. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission is headed by army personnel. The brigadiers and colonels are heading the food distribution and procurement institutions like the Grain Marketing Board. The institutions that deal with the procurement of farm implements and inputs like seed and fertilizer are headed by the army. The critical reason for this militarization is to ensure that the elected officials do not play a part in the distribution and procurement of food and inputs. It is also meant to intimidate the villagers. Importantly it brings about opaqueness and unaccountability in these institutions.

17. ELEVATION OF THE POLITIBURO TO THE ALPHA & OMEGA OF
ZIMBABWEAN POLITICS

The politiburo is Zanu (PF)’s supreme decision making organ which itself
is headed by Mugabe. This organ has been elevated to the highest
decision making organ in the country. After the signing of the M.O.U the
politiburo issued a statement to the effect that it would not allow
Mugabe’s powers to be reduced similar statement were issued on the
spirit of the G.P.A. The Politiburo is now being used by Mugabe as a
means to backtrack on earlier positions during negotiations. Instead of
negotiating with Mugabe one might as well negotiate with politiburo.

18. THE MONOPOLY AND PLUNDER OF DIAMONDS

The diamond fields in Marange, Manicaland have literally been turned
into death fields. The only companies allowed to Mine there are those
directed by Mugabe’s cronnies. These have deployed militia to make
sure that local villagers do not have access to the diamonds. However
top army and police officials are busy illegally mining diamonds in
Marange. The booty from these diamond fields is being used to prop
up Mugabe’s regime. It will also be used to sponsor terrorism against
the people and subdue the people.

C. CONCLUSION

A leopard, like Mugabe cannot change its spots. Despite his hollow words and platitudes Mugabe and his henchmen do not have serious intentions of political reform in Zimbabwe. They are on a warpath with the people. If the international community does not intervene with responsible haste then Zimbabwe will slide into mayhem and anarchy. It will in the fullness of time even slide into debilitating civil war. The solution lies with all right thinking members of the international community to avert this disaster.

Editor’s Note: Douglas Mwonzora a lawyer is the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) Member of Parliament for Nyanga North.

Mugabe must be re-sworn-Motlanthe

http://www.zimbabwemetro.com



Local News
November 24, 2008 | By Gerald Harper |
South African President Kgalema Motlanthe has said President Robert Mugabe
must re-sworn at the same day when Prime Minister Designate Morgan
Tsvangirai is sworn - in his boldest statement to date that indicates that
South Africa does not recognize Mugabe as President of Zimbabwe.

He told a press briefing after holding talks with his Botswana counterpart
Ian Khama, "We agreed that with regards to Zimbabwe the next step really is
to ensure that we unblock the impasse for them to take amendment 19 through
the senate and the assembly, so that Mr Tsvangirai could be sworn in as
prime minister and Mutambara as the vice prime minister and Mugabe as the
president, so that once the three of them have been sworn in they can then
form an inclusive government."

President Ian Khama meets the Elders group
Botswana President Ian Khama met with members of the Elders group in
Johannesburg after they were refused entry into Zimbabwe on Saturday.

Former US President Jimmy Carter and ex-UN secretary general Kofi Annan were
to embark on a humanitarian mission to the strife-torn country, but were
denied visas by Mugabe's government.

Carter, Annan and Grace Machel, wife of former South African predisent
Nelson Mandela experienced first-hand accounts of the harrowing conditions
in Zimbabwe from refugees at the Central Methodist Church in downtown
Johannesburg. They are on a mission to assess the needs of ordinary
Zimbabweans and free up the flow of aid to the cholera-ravaged country.

The Elders Group have already held talks with the leader of the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), Morgan Tsvangirai, who is also in Johannesburg .
The MDC is at loggerheads with the ZANU-PF party, led by Mugabe, over the
allocation of Cabinet Ministers and other positions in a proposed unity
government.

The Elders Group will hold talks with President Motlanthe in Johannesburg on
Monday about the situation in Zimbabwe.

Meanwhile, the Zimbabwean Government has been reported as saying that they
have not refused Annan and his group entry but that the Elders Group had not
proper arrangements for their visit.

Cholera sweeps through Zimbabwe as Robert Mugabe's regime tries to hide the crisis

http://www.timesonline.co.uk

November 23, 2008

(Philimon Bulawayo/Reuters)

A woman suspected of cholera is brought in a pushcart to a clinic in Harare
Jan Raath in Budiriro township in Harare



There is sewage flowing in the streets, endless mounds of rubbish, a broken water supply – and a cholera epidemic that has Zimbabwe’s Health Minister admitting that he is scared.

This is the grim picture that a team of international statesmen would have seen in this suburb of the capital, had they not been barred from Zimbabwe. It is a picture common all over the country, with the World Health Organisation saying that by late last week about 300 people had died from cholera and 6,000 had been infected. Médecins Sans Frontières, the international health charity, estimates that 1.4 million people are at risk.

According to a senior member of another international medical charity the numbers may be far higher. “The 300 deaths all occurred in hospitals,” the official said. “The number of deaths in the community must be up to 400 per cent higher.”

In six weeks the epidemic has spread to nine out of ten provinces, according to David Parirenyatwa, the Health Minister. “I am scared,” he said. “We cannot control cholera as long as there is no water.”

The situation had been made significantly worse by the heavy rains that had just started, he said. Cholera was being washed into the shallow back-yard wells that were the main source of drinking water.

In the border town of Beitbridge, 50 people have died in the tiny hospital. “The spatial distribution of outbreaks will most likely continue to expand as well as the number of people infected,” the UN predicted.

This weekend Jimmy Carter, the former US President, Kofi Annan, the former UN Secretary-General, and Graca Machel, the human rights advocate and wife of Nelson Mandela, pulled out of a visit to Zimbabwe after they were denied visas. The planned trip to Harare was described by the Mugabe Government as “a partisan mission by a group of people with partisan interests”.

“It seems obvious to me that the leaders of the Government are immune to reaching out for help for their own people,” Mr Carter said.

Opposition figures had hoped that such a high-profile visit would have focused international attention on the country’s plight. Zimbabwe’s refusal to let them in showed that the Mugabe regime had something to hide, an editorial in the independent weekly Standard newspaper said.

“The extent to which Zimbabwe’s leaders are prepared to sacrifice lives in order to safeguard their hold on power is unparalleled,” it added. The Government appears to be making attempts to mask the crisis. A polyclinic in Budiriro was surrounded by plastic sheets yesterday and youths in Zanu (PF) T-shirts kept journalists out.

The conditions in Budiriro are echoed in nearly all Zimbabwe’s urban townships, according to a senior health worker. “The country’s entire urban population living in unsanitary conditions is at risk,” he said.

The Health Minister appears to be out of step with the rest of the Government. Two weeks ago Gideon Gono, the Governor of the Central Bank, dismissed demands by health specialists for the cholera epidemic to be declared a national emergency. He told Cabinet ministers that the Government had enough resources to cope.

However, three weeks ago when the disease broke out in Harare, the Beatrice Road Infectious Diseases Hospital turned into a big infection centre. Scores of patients lay on the floors of wards awash in faeces and vomit until aid agencies virtually forced their way in with medication, drips, buckets and mops, disinfectant, water decon-taminants and extra nurses.

Nearly all the drilling of boreholes for communal water pumps and provision of water tanks in the townships is by aid agencies. “The Government has no resources,” the aid agency official said. Committees made up of officials from the Health Ministry, the World Health Organisation and medical charities have been formed to fight against the epidemic. “But no one from the Health Ministry or Zinwa [the Zimbabwe National Water Authority] bothers to turn up,” the official said.

Mr Gono has promised the water authority several million US dollars to equip itself for a big overhaul of water supplies but so far the only sign of it is 28 pickup vehicles. Four of those had to be taken from senior managers who had taken them for their personal use.

Douglas Gwatidzo, chairman of the Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights, said that the epidemic would have been brought under control long ago if the finance had been provided. The Standard quoted an anonymous senior official in the water authority as saying: “We were never given any money, we just read about it in the newspapers.”

The Government has even turned the epidemic to its advantage, banning a rally planned in Harare by the Movement for Democratic Change “because of the cholera situation”.

Sick and tired

— Zimbabwe’s hospital system has virtually shut down after walkouts by staff over wages, working conditions and a lack of supplies

— Life expectancy has dropped from 60 years for both sexes to 37 years for men and 34 for women in the past decade

— In April the Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights said that the country’s health system was “crippled by dilapidated infrastructure, drug shortages, equipment breakdowns, brain drain and costs of healthcare skyrocketing beyond the reach of the majority of Zimbabweans”

— Last week Zimbabwe’s only medical school closed. It said that it could not function under the prevailing conditions

— Harare's two main state hospitals have shut down maternity services

Sources: agencies, ZADHR, amnesty.org

Police attacking doctors,nurses,nurse aids who were demonstrating at Harare Hospital

Zimbabwe doctors blame govt for cholera epidemic

Yahoo News

By CELEAN JACOBSON, Associated Press Writer Celean Jacobson, Associated
Press Writer - 2 hrs 3 mins ago
JOHANNESBURG, South Africa - A group of doctors said Wednesday that
President Robert Mugabe's government is to blame for a cholera epidemic
sweeping Zimbabwe and that the disease's spread there is being dramatically
underreported.

About 160 people have died of cholera in Zimbabwe in recent weeks,
independent aid organizations say. The lack of clean water and poorly
maintained sewage systems have allowed the waterborne intestinal disease to
thrive.

And as the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe deepens, most hospitals
have been forced to close their doors as they can no longer afford drugs,
equipment or to pay their staff.

"This cholera epidemic is manmade," Dr. Douglas Gwatidza, head of the
Zimbabwean Association of Doctors for Human Rights, said in a telephone call
with reporters.

He said government programs to monitor disease outbreaks were in "disarray."
Those few health facilities still open were trying to stop the spread of
cholera but often at the expense of patients with other diseases.

Gwatidza also said dysentery was becoming increasingly prevalent in a
country already suffering from one of the world's worst AIDS epidemics.

Comment from Zimbabwean authorities was not immediately available Wednesday.

On Tuesday, riot police prevented health workers in the capital, Harare,
from protesting against Zimbabwe's collapsing health care system.

Dr. Primrose Matambanadzo said the government needed to issue an urgent
appeal for assistance.

"There is a state of crisis," she said. "We need things functioning at
hospitals now."

Aid groups fear the outbreaks will worsen as the rainy season progresses and
Medecins Sans Frontieres, or Doctors Without Borders, has warned that 1.4
million people are at risk.

The international aid group World Vision said Wednesday that 44 people had
died in the Zimbabwean border town of Beitbridge, including one of their
staff members.

Beitbridge is one of the regions busiest border crossings and there are
concerns that it is already spreading to other countries. South African
authorities have responded to the crisis with extra medical personnel and
facilities being set up along the border.

Local health officials in Musina on the South African side of the border
said two Zimbabweans died of cholera after crossing into the country while
64 patients were treated last weekend, the Star newspaper reported
Wednesday.

Meanwhile, the South African Press Association reported that a South African
truck driver who traveled from Zimbabwe has been admitted to a Durban
hospital, showing symptoms of cholera.

Zimbabwe once had among the best health care systems in sub-Saharan Africa.
But the country's economic meltdown has led to chronic shortages of food and
gasoline, and daily outages of power and water.

Mugabe, in power since independence from Britain in 1980, blames Western
sanctions for his country's extreme financial woes. But critics point to
corruption and mismanagement under his increasingly autocratic leadership.

Hopes were raised when Mugabe signed a power-sharing arrangement with the
opposition in September, but little progress has been made toward setting up
a unity government.

Nurses strike as situation turns bad to worse

Mugabe deploys CIO to Botswana

By Mxolisi Ncube

JOHANNESBURG – President Robert Mugabe’s government has allegedly deployed teams of Central Intelligence Organisation agents to Botswana to investigate allegations that Zimbabwe’s western neighbour is training military bandits on behalf of the MDC.

Mugabe’s government recently accused Botswana of training militiamen on behalf of the Morgan Tsvangirai-led party, which defeated Zanu-PF in elections held in March. Mugabe maintains that the MDC is a front for Western countries, the United Kingdom in particular, which are determined to “re-colonise” Zimbabwe after almost 30 years of independence.

If that happened Zimbabwe would have the dubious distinction of being the first country ever to be recolonised by its former colonial power, a prospect that many find too far-fetched to be taken seriously.

The government alleges that the bandits are under-going training in readiness to destabilize Zimbabwe, which is currently grappling with a serious political crisis and an economic meltdown that many observers blame on some of government’s obvious ill-conceived policies. Mugabe blame’s his nation’s problems on so called sanctions imposed by western nations as part of the so-called strategy to recolonise Zimbabwe. He accuses Botswana, a relentless critic of the Mugabe government, of aiding and abetting the MDC in a bid to foment disaffection with his government.

Botswana has dismissed the allegations out of hand as unfounded, and challenged the Zimbabwean government to provide proof of the alleged military training, which Mugabe’s government claims started in 2002.

Intelligence sources revealed to The Zimbabwe Times on Tuesday that the CIO had secretly deployed the first batch of intelligence operatives across the border into Botswana on Monday this week. They would remain on assignment on Botswana soil for at least three months. The officers would compile and submit reports for Mugabe’s “consideration and possible action”.

“About 50 senior officers were deployed in Botswana on Monday for a three month period,” said a senior CIO source based at Magnet House, the agency’s provincial headquarters in the second biggest city of Bulawayo. “They are expected to provide weekly report-backs to headquarters, before compiling a joint final report that will be handed over to the President upon completion of their mission.”

The officers, who are to operate in 10 separate teams that will comb different locations in Botswana, were reportedly drawn from various provinces in the country, with Harare and Bulawayo providing the bulk.

According to the intelligence sources, the operation, whose finer details remain a closely guarded secret was launched as a result of recommendations made by the Joint Operations Command (JOC) after a meeting held in Harare two weeks ago.

Our sources say the JOC still suspected that Botswana might be training the alleged MDC militia, because of that country’s continued “demonisation” of the Mugabe government.

The government also believes that when Tsvangirai briefly stayed in Botswana before the presidential run-off election in June, he had negotiated a “Plan B” with that country’s leader, Ian Khama, in the case that the MDC leader lost the election or that the Zimbabwean military denied him the opportunity to take over from Mugabe, if he won the election.

“The JOC still suspects that there is military training taking place in that country,” said one source. “There have been such deployments in that country and South Africa before, but all those have not managed to find any tangible evidence.”

The government also believes that some retired Zimbabwean army and police personnel might be involved in conducting the training, and some teams have been sent to keep tabulations on well-known former security officers, especially those that occupied senior positions.”

However, the sources could not say what exactly would happen in the case that the allegations were found to be true.

A Botswana immigration official who spoke to our correspondent on condition of anonymity revealed that Botswana officials were aware that Zimbabwe had previously deployed its intelligence missions in that country.

“We first heard that in June this year and we were wondering why they would do that,” said the official. “At some stage, we thought that they were coming after some opposition activists and military deserters they thought had fled into this country. I had not heard about the new deployments.”

A political analyst in Harare described the allegations made against the MDC specifically by former Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa as “a desperate ploy by the 84-year-old Mugabe to intimidate the MDC”, after negotiations for a unity government seemingly fell apart during the past few weeks.

“Mugabe just wants to use these allegations to continue his terror tactics against the MDC for its refusal to accept a weaker role in the all-inclusive government,” said the analyst. “What is likely to follow now is a wave of terror campaigns against the opposition with cooked up charges by this dictator.

“We do not need actions that might end up sparking diplomatic rifts or igniting regional wars and Mugabe must know better than this. We have thousands of our people in Botswana, who are going to be affected adversely by such actions.”

No comment could be obtained from either the Zimbabwean or the Botswana governments. The MDC has previously denied the allegations levelled against it by the government.

When a government becomes desperate....!

Lessons drenched in blood( A reminder not to loose guard)

Gukurahundi massacres: lessons drenched in blood

By Lance Guma

HISTORY is littered with events that clearly show Robert Mugabe was always a
dictator, mind, body and soul.
Since assuming the captaincy of the Zimbabwean ship in April 1980, he has
never tolerated opposition to his rule in whatever form. Political
scientists contend he set sail well but somehow lost the compass midway
hence the current sinking ship.

Events however, tell a different story.

That Mugabe was at one time the darling of the international community is
not in doubt. A well pronounced reconciliation policy, advances in
education, health and the provision of social services enabled him to mask
his intolerance of internal opposition and deferred for sometime the
unmasking of his true colours.

Four months after democratically taking power in 1980, Robert Mugabe then
Prime Minister, signed an agreement with the North Korean government led by
President Kim II Sung, providing for the Koreans to train a brigade in the
Zimbabwean army to in Mugabe's words, "combat malcontents."
While the rest of the world including the legendary Reggae musical prophet,
Bob Marley, euphorically gloated over Zimbabwes' hard won independence the
incumbent 'statesman' was already planning how to crush the opposition.
Despite the existence of a police force and army that could easily contain
any civil unrest, 106 Koreans arrived in August 1981 pursuant to the August
1980 agreement to train what would become an infamous 5 brigade.
Wearing red berrets to distinguish from the regular army the brigade drawn
from 3500 ex−ZANLA troops butchered over 20 000 people living in the
southern parts of Zimbabwe believed to be opposition supporters. Mugabe
christened the new brigade, 'Gukurahundi' which, loosely translated, means
'the rain which washes away the chaff before the spring rains'. The
opposition ZAPU led by the late nationalist Dr Joshua Nkomo had won a
sizeable number of seats in the new parliament and clearly fitted thedescription of 'chaff' as it stood between him and total domination.

A state of emergency in place since 1965 way before independence was
maintained by Mugabe for a decade until July 1990, an ominous sign that
nothing was changing except the colour of the new ruler's skin. The
Gukurahundi era began to define the role of particular organisations in the
maintenance of Mugabe's smartly disguised but brutal 'life presidency'.
These were Youth Brigades, Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), Police
Internal Security Intelligence Unit (PISI), Police Support Unit (PSU),
Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) and the army. Most if not all these
organisations relied heavily on archaic and abhorent colonial legislation to
subvert justice. Up to now these organisations continue to play an intergral
role in keeping Mugabe in power using the same legislation now spruced up by
hired 'Professors' with seemingly dignified titles but rudely oppressive
anyhow ie Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA),
Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and the Broadcasting Act which grants
the state broadcaster an embarrassingly naked monopoly over the airwaves.

In the run up to the 1985 elections the ZANU PF Youth Brigades ideologically
modelled on the Chinese Red Guard rampaged through the country meting out
violence to mainly Ndebele speakers who were presumed to be supporters of
Nkomo's ZAPU. They carried out mob beatings, burnt homes and murdered
innocent civilians while responding to Mugabe's chilling calling, 'go and
uproot the weeds from your gardens.' Nothing has changed. Youth brigades now
being officially produced from the Border Gezi training camps under the
guise of a 'national service drive' are doing the same to MDC supporters
across the country.

The Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) was used to facilitate the
'disappearance' of people deemed a threat to 'state security'. Sydney
Malunga the oppositions Chief Whip in parliament at the time, famous as an
outspoken legislator was arrested in 1986 on charges of assisting the
'dissidents' before the treason charges were dropped. He died in a
suspicious accident when his car collided with a 'black dog' (underground
jargon for army truck). Christopher Giwa a former University of Zimbabwe
student leader who had embarrassed Mugabe during a Commonwealth Heads of
Government Summit (CHOGM) in Harare by organising a demonstration died when
his small Nissan Pulsar vehicle collided with another black dog.

The deaths of Rashiwe Guzha, Captain Nleya, Mthandazo Ndema Ngwenya, Samson
Benard Paweni and many others remain shrouded in mystery and suspicion. Now
that Zimbabwe has a vibrant, diligent and brave independent press this
'disappearing' function of the CIO has been whittled down and confined to
sophisticated assignments.

The death of Insiza MDC member of parliament George Joe Ndlovu who is
alleged to have eaten a poisoned apple at a function in Masvingo is another
reminder snakes will always be snakes. He had a blackout while driving and
had an accident. The job was finished off in hospital. Evidence is mounting
that Mugabe worried about retributions when he leaves the scene wants to fiddle the with the constitution but can only gain a two thirds majority by
eliminating MDC parliamentarians and rigging the resulting by−elections.
Another tragic addition to this long list of examples is the suspicious
death of Learnmore Jongwe the oppositions former spokesman and legislator in
remand prison awaiting trial for allegedly stabbing his wife to death in a
domestic dispute. At the time of his arrest government went out of its way
to spread the falsehood that the former student leader and lawyer wanted to
commit suicide soon after the incident as an advance pretext for denying him
bail using a compromised judiciary. Speculation is also rife they offered
him an 'information for freedom' deal which he rudely turned down.It is now
clear his being kept in custody was to fulfil the grand plan of reducing MDC
legislators by hook or crook. This sad era in the history of Zimbabwe showed
Mugabe's perchant for rewarding evil.

The commander of the 5 brigade, Colonel Perence Shiri at the time, who
presided over the atrocities later described as 'a moment of madness' by
Mugabe himself is now Air Marshall Shiri, the supreme head of Zimbabwe's
Airforce. Mugabe's other henchmen through this period, the current Speaker
of Parliament, Emmerson Mnangagwa and Defence Minister, Sydney Sekeramayi
are his closest aides and have survived numerous reshuffles by Mugabe. The
two are currently being touted as the leading contenders to the Zimbabwean
throne. ZANU PF's current tactic of whimsically arresting opposition leaders
on charges ranging from inciting violence, murder and treason without ever
securing a conviction can also be traced to this period in history.

In 1982 Dumiso Dabengwa (ZIPRA's Intelligence Supremo) , Lookout Masuku
(Army General) and four others faced treason charges which were later
quashed by the Supreme Court for lack of credible evidence. Mugabe accused
Dabengwa of writing a letter to Michail Gorbachev (former USSR president)
asking for assistance in toppling Mugabe. The Soviets however denied this.
Inspite of the Supreme Court order Dabengwa and Masuku were redetained and
spent four years in custody without trial courtesy of Mugabe's often abused
'emergency regulations'. Masuku died in suspicious circumstances a few weeks
after his release and Dabengwa was rewarded with a cabinet post in a unified
government much later. Masuku was belatedly declared a national hero only
after intense lobbying found a guilty Mugabe eager to appease the
Matabeleland region he had abused for a long time.

The late Dr Joshua Nkomo and Rev Ndabaningi Sithole, father figures in
Zimbabwean nationalism both faced charges of trying to kill Mugabe despite
evidence to the opposite. MDC President Morgan Tsvangirai faced similar
charges before being acquitted. ZANU PF has perfected the art of
manufacturing events in order to justify any excesses they may commit. the
discovery of arms caches in February of 1982 which soured the intergration
of ZIPRA and ZANLA forces into one army had all the makings of a
manufactured event coming fresh after the Entumbane Uprising in which the
two sides fought each other for two days. Evidence clearly showed government
had planted the arms to gain a pretext for unleashing the 5 brigade.

The kidnapping and murder, in 1982 of 6 foreign tourists was also suspicious
Lessons drenched in blood as it allowed the regime to effect past colonial immunity laws that protected members of the security forces from prosecution if they committed
any crimes. Similarly the murder of Bulawayo War Veteran leader, Cain Nkala
had all the makings of an inside job as it allowed Mugabe the much needed
chance and consequent mileage to brand the MDC a violent party, when his
death was of no material benefit to the opposition at all.

If the world is surprised at Mugabe's behaviour it is because it failed to
understand his intolerance from the word go. Mugabe is as predictable as the
rising sun and none know this more than those who have borne the brunt of
his brute. The saying, history repeats itself because we are not paying
attention the first time is given credence by the story of Mugabe more the
leader of a band of crooks than of a country.

The author works as a Producer/Presenter for SWRADIOAFRICA. The views
expressed in this article are his own personal views.

The best option for Zimbabwe is internationally monitored elections

Broadcast November 7, 2008

Violet Gonda: My guest on the programme Hot Seat is political commentator Brian Kagoro. Hi Brian.

Brian Kagoro: Hi Violet how are you?

Gonda: I am fine thanks. Zimbabweans have become impatient over the delay in the talks and there are mixed reactions about what people want to see happen. There are some who say the power sharing agreement is a step towards stabilising food security and a step towards stopping the complete destruction of the economy, but others say the deal is becoming irrelevant and it is not possible to build trust between the rival parties. In your view what is good for Zimbabwe now?

Kagoro: Well what would be best for Zimbabwe is for Zimbabwe to go through an internationally mediated, supervised election to exclude violence and Zimbabweans choose leaders of their choice. That would be the ideal. The deal on the table does not adequately address the human rights question. It has no clear process for addressing the economic question and in particular the endemic poverty and impoverishment of our people; the high unemployment rates, as well as the market distortions. It also doesn’t have any clear agenda for dealing with long term issues such as national justice questions, truth and justice issues.

So in a sense I am not sure that this deal in its present formulation will achieve much more than a ceasefire. And it’s not really a ceasefire because much of the violence was targeted at one party by the other so it will simply allow those who have benefitted from the status quo to continue benefitting without the fear that they might face prosecution or some other form of justice.

Gonda: You said the ideal would be to have an internationally supervised election. Do you think Mugabe will agree to something like this and also what can practically happen?

Kagoro: I think several global factors makes certain things possible. The one is the global economic downturn which means even countries like South Africa will experience some shrinkage in the economy. It means countries like Botswana, Mozambique, Zambia and Malawi as well as the European, American and Australian destinations where Zimbabweans have found solace will now experience shrinkage or are already experiencing shrinkage. And so there will be no new safe havens and the levels of tolerance and patience that were previously shown to Mugabe and the regime in Harare will decline. I think that countries are going to be more inward looking, more self serving especially those that have stood as allies of Mugabe.

But also I think options for Zimbabweans who could go out of the country as economic and political refugees are going to shrink even further, so there is going to be a lot less patience. I don’t think we should focus more on whether or not Mugabe will agree or not. I don’t think he has any particular choice at the moment. I don’t think that his African colleagues within SADC and the African Union broadly are going to be tolerating a lot his gamesmanship that we have seen.

Gonda: What about the historic election victory of Barack Obama as America’s first black President. Obviously he has so many problems to deal with in his country and the rest of the world but what sort of implication would an Obama presidency have on a country like Zimbabwe?

Kagoro: I think it recreates hope that has long been lost in electoral democracy, liberal democracy. Liberal democracy of course does not always result in economic redistribution. So in a sense I think what the Obama victory does is the symbolism and creates the impression that you don’t necessarily have to have war credentials to run a country, because America like Zimbabwe had been fixated with this war veteran issue.

Secondly, Obama is fairly young and so it begins to push parameters of the need for the youth of the continent and of Zimbabwe to enter politics and play a critical determinant role.

And the third issue of course is that there will be a renewed focus on the end to tyranny, despotism, dictatorship and human rights violations and many are going to find themselves pretty lonely if they do not comply with these increasing global expectations. And we don’t just see it as an Obama victory we see it in its symbolic form as a history being made for the entire black race.

So one can celebrate the Obama victory – be cautious of the limitations of structural economic change. But structural economic change has often relied and dependent on the energising of a people and creating the impression that their potential can be tapped towards a positive end. Presently the potential of Zimbabweans has been dissipated and the positive energy required to recreate a country – a country’s vision and a country’s impetus towards its self development has been squandered by cheap politics and sometimes just bad management, corruption and brutality

Gonda: Do you see him implementing the same policies as President Bush where Zimbabwe is concerned - you know the sanctions or do you see him intensifying the diplomatic effort with the African Union or SADC to apply more pressure on the regime?

Kagoro: I think that the dilemma of America politics is Obama only assumes real after the 20th of January in 2009 and American policy shifts rather slowly – I think this is the burden of their democratic system. So there is unlikely to be a shift in the Bush policies at least in the immediate sense. But Obama as an individual has shown a disposition towards diplomatic engagement, subtle forms of pressure and also the ability to give due recognition to bodies such as the African Union and other actors who could actually bring about positive processes that might facilitate change in Zimbabwe.

I am opposed personally to foreign intervention of the Bush type but because of the dilemma within Zimbabwe that is why I have insisted that the African Union must act decisively - must take both a moral and legal position on whether or not the June election was legal. If it was an illegal election according to their standards then they must declare that there is no duly elected government in Zimbabwe. The premise for negotiations then becomes the election in which no candidate got the required 51% and then the only logical, legal conclusion would require a re-run. And the context of the June election tells us that such a re-run must be closely monitored and internationally supervised to avoid the will of the electorate being usurped or undermined through violence and thuggery.

Gonda: But Brian do you realistically think that SADC or the African Union can do more than what it is doing right now because critics say these two bodies don’t have the guts to confront Robert Mugabe and didn’t even have the guts to confront him on his appalling human rights and democratic record?

Kagoro: I think that diplomacy by its very nature is a limiting but also an empowering fact. The laws that govern relations between nations have two sets; the one that insists on non intervention in the internal affairs of a sovereign country. The second one is the agreed principle of the responsibility to protect – that suggests that humanitarian reasons and human rights reasons merit the limitation of sovereignty to a certain extent. The rules under which you actually get to limit such sovereignty are cumbersome and almost impossible to operate. So the seeming inaction of SADC is basically accepted amongst Heads of State that you don’t speak to each other or shout at each other in the public sphere – that you’d rather express discontent, disappointment, and disapproval within the appropriate forum.

So SADC’s seeming inertia in dealing with the Zimbabwean issue could be understood both in the historical context but also I think we must pay due credence to the fact that SADC has made some moves rather belatedly by sending an observer team that actually said no conditions existed for the holding of free and fair elections and also that some within the SADC leadership have broken rank with this straight jacket of silence and begun to call for fundamental paradigm shift and change of practise and behaviour in Zimbabwe.

So I am hopeful and I think like all Africans should be that several changes on the continent point to the fact that if leaders do not intervene we will have para state groups that are not always constructive intervening and this is why I think SADC understands the precarious nature of the Zimbabwe situation.

Gonda: And Brian let’s look at the current problem. The political parties are fighting over the allocation of cabinet posts. Now obviously there has to be more to just agreeing to the sharing of ministries – there is the larger question of the performance of the ministries and the question of democratisation. In your view is there capacity and political will?

Kagoro: To perform, I think the Zimbabwean parliament has a lot of capable people both with economic expertise, expertise in finance, expertise in law, political science. The expertise is not an issue but… (interrupted)

Gonda: But is there political will to implement the policies that will reverse the economic tide?

Kagoro: I think it’s much more than implementing the policies. Is there political will to include all shade of Zimbabwean political and civic opinion in constructing the policies because the implementation of policies alone will not turn things around unless there is ownership?

I don’t think political will exists. Political parties have functioned like a secret society. The negotiations are transacted like a big secret on behalf of the people of Zimbabwe who are kept away from the secret. So it would be a surprise of sorts. There is also the issue of a bellicose state.

Thirty-one ministries is too much for a struggling economy and the apportionment of those ministries seems to be done purely on the basis of patronage and political consideration with no sensitivity whatsoever to the economic plight that Zimbabweans are facing.

There is another factor Violet - the quibbling over Home Affairs. Everyone understands its significance, all rigging happens through the Ministry of Home Affairs, rigging happens through the registration of births and deaths, Ministry of Home Affairs is also responsible for the deployment of the police, investigating offences, undermining or facilitating the course of justice etc etc.

Zimbabwe’s real problem at the moment is a structural economic recovery question. There has been very little focus on the economic ministries. First we know that the extractive sector which is mining and other forms of extractors is the only one in this global downturn that is likely to earn any form of descent revenue. There has been very little discussion about making it transparent, making sure it’s in hands that are capable to turn around and realise value for the nation and not for individuals.

Secondly, it’s the tourism sector. There is rapid recovery that is needed in that sector and there is no discussion at all in the tourism sector.

Thirdly there is the agricultural sector. I think agriculture will go back to Zanu PF with undertakings in the agreement that there will be no revision both of the appropriation and everybody accepts that land that was taken from commercial white farmers – for purpose of redistribution – should not be returned necessarily. But the issue of who got the land seems to me to be a contradiction; I have been assured by some that there is a land audit somewhere but it seems the agreement itself has a contradiction.

Therefore the construction of the ministry, where you have located the ministry shows you what progress you will make in the short run.

So if you take away the social services sector - which is education, health and co, these might depend on donor aid, these might get some injection of donor aid. So these will just be looking at whether the people that are there are competent. But the economic ministries – because Zimbabwe needs to again create employment, again to be able to raise domestic revenue – it seems to me very little attention is being paid to this because for the average Zimbabwean on the streets yes they don’t want the police to beat them, they don’t want people to abduct them and be killed but there is a genuine concern about employment, about livelihood and I am not hearing that debate and that’s why I am worried that this deal this settlement might turnout to be the biggest hoax Zimbabwean politics has ever endured.

It might actually turnout to be a darker moment in our history than anything else we have ever experienced because citizens have invested hope in a lasting peace which they will not get because of the feuding, the suspicions. Citizens have invested hope in an economic turnaround which might not happen because everybody will be lining their pockets, government is so shoddily structured that it is unable to deliver. Citizens have invested hope in recreating value for themselves and this might not happen because the economy is not opening up. The policy space is not opening up.

Gonda: Just to add to what you are saying - do you see an interparty government being able to avoid the pitfalls of the Zanu PF regime where authority aggregated around the ministers themselves and not around the policies of the ministries?

Kagoro: Yes, the biggest case is the Kenyan example. The dynamism of the individual, the powers of the individual - individualism becomes a critical sector because of the precarious foundations of the government.

Secondly, the question of authority is so diffuse in this new arrangement; We have the Prime Minister, you have the President and their numerous Deputies and Ministers of course who have to take orders from these five individuals without any clinical sense of line management. But also with a worrying sense of competition - not of a healthy nature, but competition around political party silos as opposed to reaching across the divide and trying to build consensus. That means power will become increasingly personalised unless if we put in constitutional safe guards.

And presently the articulation of Constitutional Amendment No.19 will not discourage the personalisation of power. And its concentration, again in a few hands, will recreate a new dictatorship albeit decentralised dictatorship where it has polycentric power nods - some with the Prime Ministers some with the President.

These silos of power will actually come to compete. Like they say Violet when elephants make love the grass suffers, when elephants fight the grass suffers, what matters is not whether they are fighting or making love but the size of the elephant and the size of the elephant we are creating with this new cabinet and its structure is likely to hurt the grass.

Gonda: And you know Morgan Tsvangirai’s rallies across the country, we have seen thousands of people attending these rallies. Are they really a report back meeting or a negotiating strategy to show strength because some say the contestation between the political parties is now more about who has a larger fan base? What are your thoughts on this?

Kagoro: Firstly let me commend whoever has been holding rallies particularly my friend Mr Tsvangirai - it’s useful that there be some semblance of reporting back to the people. But let’s demystify that. Reporting back to the people is not the same as consulting people and hearing their views because at a rally it’s not possible to hear the views of the people because it’s not structured in a consultative manner. It’s structured in a manner of sharing information. So it’s inadequate for purposes of generally hearing what the people have to say, what they are apprehensive about, what they do not want, what they would like to see. So what is needed is a structured process of consulting the people in organised formations of civil society, faith based institutions and labour and other formations.

Clearly rallies are also a negotiating strategy and there is political merit in shoring up your numbers, showing you have the numbers behind you - after all these are politicians. But beyond the politricks there is a need to look at the fundamental question of genuine consultation and genuine engagement. I think that ZANU needs to do it, MDC needs to do it. This consultation goes beyond their structures by the way, it goes beyond their formal party structures, to include others because the combined regime that is being proposed in the new deal will be a regime - whether it be for 18 months, 2 years or more – that will have oversight and leadership of all Zimbabweans and if it is to do so it must have the consent and consensus of all Zimbabweans. You can not arrive at consent and consensus without consultation otherwise it will be a Johannesburg import imposed by Thabo Mbeki.

Gonda: Since the deal was signed the humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe has reached alarming proportions with the Zimbabwe dollar crushing spectacularly and shops no longer accepting payment in local currency. But those who suffer are mostly the ordinary people who have no access to the much needed foreign currency. What about the security forces, what will happen if the army and police demand payment in foreign currency?

Kagoro: It will dramatise the extent of crisis in the states and of the state because the battle in the present negotiations between the MDC and ZANU is to control the organs of state. So if the government is unable to meet that demand it will alienate itself from those sections of the military because what we are dealing with is the personal political economy of each soldier. I don’t think there would be an insurrection - the Zimbabwe military does not have a history of mutiny, not of the nature that we are talking about.

What we are likely to see is that the conduct where soldiers could be whipped into line to vote for particular individuals will quickly lose sway and if there is an election anytime soon and there is level of economic discontent and despondency is that the economy will vote against the incumbent. That you will have a politicisation of the military - not in the partisan way that we have see ZANU try to use power in government to politicise the military.

But the military will of itself - by military individuals/soldiers, be politicised and take an interest in the goings on around themselves. They will begin to align with and be one with the rest of the suffering people as they themselves will be suffering. And there are not enough wars were you can deploy them to go and earn forex, even the Congo one is likely to be resolved at least through this mediation that’s going on.

And it’s not just the military Violet. It is the other arms of State such as the justice delivery system, the judges and magistrates and others who have been so central in the despotism that we have seen in our country. It will be the Central Intelligence organisations and other arms of government who have stood as allies and proxies and surrogates of oppressive forces within the Zimbabwean political class. You will see them now beginning to turn their attention, turning their allegiances towards pro-change politics, pro change agendas and pro change formations. We are likely to see a split occurring within the ruling party. There are already factions but we are likely to see a split because what has kept the ruling party intact is not only its the ability to oil actors within the party, but the ability to keep surveillance, supervision and some form of fear of God within those who serve it in the public sector and those who are members with official status in the party. But you know when you have those actors that are able to keep surveillance and supervisions and also instill fear of God in party faithfuls also becoming despondent and then the centre will not be able to hold and things will begin to fall apart.

Gonda: As you mentioned at the beginning of the interview not only do we have a political crisis but we have a financial, humanitarian and human rights crisis but what does this mean for economic recovery will this be resolved by a political deal?

Kagoro: No, the political deal is really not the conduit for this. The political crisis arises out of a lack of consensus and consent of the governed to be governed by those who are governing them. A political deal does not address the consent and consensus issue. It imposes a form leadership upon a people and it structures in a very narrow sense the selection process of leadership. It takes it out of the democratic domain into a very private domain were the leaders’ preferences determine what happens.

Secondly, a political deal itself makes you negotiate based on the lowest common denominator as opposed to a people’s aspirations. In terms of economic recovery for examples we know that following the same economic policies and models adopted by Zanu PF and sometimes imposed by international financial institutions that say ‘deregulate everything, private everything’ will not result in any fundamental change because it’s a deal of political parties. It’s not opening the question of economic democratisation to a discussion by the broad mass of Zimbabweans but also to a discussion by a broader array of Zimbabwean experts. It’s based on who is invited to the table.

Thirdly a political deal does not address in any significant way how to deal with non performing sectors of the economy of the state or of government. It doesn’t address the ethical questions around corruption, pillaging of the state. You know it’s a deal that you will stay together till death do you part. It’s a deal that says ‘I know you are a thief, I know you are a murderer, I know that you are all these other things, I know you have violated human rights, you violated law but for the purposes of making peace we will hug you even if you are a python.’

And of course we tend to forget Violet that hugging a python for the purposes of making peace is foolishness. Firstly a python is a constrictor. So it may appear non poisonous in the moment but a python does not kill by virtue of spreading venom, it wraps itself around you, crushes you and swallows you. So a deal designed to appease political power interests is unlikely to deal with the fundamental questions of structural transformation in the economy, the revolutionary transformation of the state and its role and its relationship with the citizens and citizen groups.

A political deal often results in the privatisation of the state. It is simply increasing the number of shareholders from Zanu PF private limited liability company; it will now include other shareholders - minority shareholders from the two MDCs.

So I don’t think Zimbabweans must celebrate this particular deal except for those who want us to celebrate the symbolism that some of our friends - and these are my very good friends - will now instead of being called stooges of the West they will be called Prime Minster, Deputy Prime Ministers or something else. And if those names and new titles, new houses, cars and body guards are what we have spent all these years fighting for since the inception of the NCA and even before when pro-democracy politics started then we have been nothing but foolish men and women.

But I believe we have been fighting for much more, much more than for our friends to be called big names and to appear and live big lives. We have been fighting that there be a common standard of decency of rights for the average person - that there be freedom in our liberated country. That every Zimbabwean must have the confidence of knowing that their own government will not terrorise them. That every Zimbabwean who wants to apply their entrepreneurial skills can do so without fear that they would be discriminated against because of the ethnic group they belong to, because of their height, their complexion or any other discriminatory consideration. We are fighting for a truly inclusive, democratic and accountable society and government and for me this deal doesn’t give me this.

Gonda: Brain there are those who say Morgan Tsvangirai should pull out of the talks as he can be swallowed up by this ‘python’ do you agree with this?

Kagoro: Firstly I think that he has gone too far to quit (laughs). If I had had the opportunity to give advice before, I would have said there is nothing to lose being in or out because the people of Zimbabwe know what you stand for and what you represent. Will he be swallowed by this? It depends on the speed with which he is able to manoeuvre politically. I have seen him manoeuvre several times and I think he is fairly gifted. But I think that this time the odds and the real likelihood of him being lumped together with his oppressors as a failure, is very high.

So if he really wants to survive the dirt that comes with associating with his oppressors he will have to have his policies clear. He will have to have his strategy and agenda of consulting the widest possible spectrum of Zimbabwean political and civic opinion clear. He needs to assemble a team around himself - not just friends and sycophants but a team of some of our most gifted people in economics, finance, development and other sectors. He has a lot of loyal friends like ourselves but he needs people who have competencies that we have not seen coming to the fore up to this moment within the MDC.

He needs to deal with not just the loyalty question; he also needs to deal with the efficiency and effectiveness questions. So there are three things to attend to: Dealing with resisting being swallowed, keeping the identity of a liberator instead of becoming part of the oppressive machinery and keeping the vision of a truly democratic Zimbabwe and from a mandate to govern based on a truly democratic election in which he wins the 51%; and keeping the logic and the reasoning that if our economy doesn’t turn around our democracy will never revive.

Gonda: Brian Kagoro thank you very much.

Kagoro: You are welcome Violet.

Global Zimbabwe Forum International Co-ordinator's visit to Zimbabwe

GLOBAL ZIMBABWE FORUM


CO-ORDINATOR’S VISIT TO ZIMBABWE


SUMMARY REPORT




1. INTRODUCTION

The Global Zimbabwe Forum (GZF) seeks to be the most authoritative international voice and platform for all the representative organisations and networks of the Zimbabwean Diaspora community.

The GZF was officially launched on 9th December 2007 as one of the key resolutions of the historic first ever Zimbabwe Global Diaspora Conference that was hosted by the Zimbabwe Diaspora Forum at the Braamfontein Recreation Centre in Johannesburg , South Africa

The Co-ordinator of the GZF who is based at the International Secretariat in Geneva, Switzerland, Mr. Daniel Molokele recently visited Zimbabwe.

The visit lasted almost ten days from the 8th October to the 18th October 2008. It covered mainly the three cities of Bulawayo, Harare and Masvingo. Molokele has described his visit to our homeland as a resounding success.



2. PURPOSE OF VISIT

The main purpose of the Co-ordinator’s visit to Zimbabwe was to create a formal bridge between the various relevant stakeholders within the country and the Diaspora based civic society movement. Specifically, the Co-ordinator sought to highlight the role of the Zimbabwean Diaspora community in the developmental process of Zimbabwe from both a political and also a socio-economic perspective.

The Co-ordinator also sought to locally introduce the GZF and highlight its critical role to the various national stakeholders who are based in Zimbabwe. In particular, he sought to initiate programme partnerships with various key institutions that are strategically placed to help the Diaspora resolve some of the crucial issues that are affecting all Zimbabweans that are now living abroad.

These include such issues as that of the quest for dual citizenship, repatriation of skills, remittances, taxation, investments opportunities, among others.







3. BULAWAYO VISIT

The Co-ordinator was in the Zimbabwean second city of Bulawayo between the 9th and 12th of October. During the visit, the Co-ordinator achieved the following main things:

(a) Attended the Bulawayo Agenda Civil Society Symposium on Friday 10th October 2008. The symposium mainly sought to create a public forum for serious deliberations on the implications of the 15th September 2008 political agreement from a Zimbabwean civil society point of view. The event, which a part of the broader ‘Festival of Ideas’, was held at the Cresta Churchill Arms hotel and was attended by over seventy leaders of various CSOs across Zimbabwe. The Co-ordinator managed to present a paper on the ‘role of the Zimbabwean Diaspora in the economic reconstruction of the country’.


(b) The public meeting on the pros and cons of the 15th September 2008 political settlement. The event was also part of the broader ‘Festival of Ideas’ that was hosted by Bulawayo Agenda. It was held on Saturday 11th October at the Rainbow Hotel and had a full house attendance of over 600 participants. The Co-ordinator was one of the four speakers that also included Jenni Williams (WOZA), Raymond Majongwe (PTUZ) and Lawton Hikwa (NUST)


(c) Personal contact meetings with various types of leaders from the civil society and the Zimbabwean Parliament. These included leaders from the PTUZ, ZimRights, Zimcet, MISA, Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, Youth Agenda, Student Solidarity Trust, among others. The Co-ordinator also held individual briefings with several legislators such as David Coltart, Abednigo Bhebhe, Siyabonga Ncube, among others.



4. HARARE VISIT

The Co-ordinator also visited the capital city of Harare from the 12th to the 17th October 2008. During the visit, the Co-ordinator achieved the following main things:

(a) Attended as a neutral observer, the public mass rally organized by the Movement for Democratic Change at the Zimbabwe Grounds in Highfields on Sunday 12th October 2008.
The event was addressed by the MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai and all other key members of the national executive such as Thokozani Khupe, Tendai Biti, Lovemore Moyo, Nelson Chamisa, among others.
The MDC leaders sought to give a public report on the stalemate between the party and Zanu-PF over the allocation of the key cabinet posts in terms of the 15th September accord.


(b) Conducted a door-to-door campaign across Harare to the offices of the various Zimbabwean civil society organizations that are potential local programme partners of the GZF. These included among others the offices of NCA, NANGO, TIZ, Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, ZINASU, Youth Agenda, Student Christian Movement of Zimbabwe, PADARE, Zimbabwe National Pastors Forum, among others.

(c) The Co-ordinator also held a crucial meeting with the main officials of the International Organisation for Migration that included the resident country director and also the senior officials of the Homelink private company on Diaspora remittances, and explored areas of programme partnerships with them.

(d) The Co-ordinator also met the newly appointed Speaker of Parliament, Lovemore Moyo, in his office at the Parliament buildings. Further, he had personal briefings and meetings with several legislators such as Marvelous Kumalo, Nelson Chamisa and Tendai Biti.

(e) The Co-ordinator was also the guest of honour at a television studio panel discussion that was hosted by the journalism school at the Harare Polytechnic. The event was held on the 15th October 2008 The studio panel discussion focused on the role of the Diaspora in the development process of Zimbabwe.



5. MASVINGO VISIT

The Co-ordinator also attended the annual NGO Directors Summer School that was organized by NANGO between 17th and 19th October 2008. The event was held at the Great Zimbabwe Hotel and had an impressive attendance of over 80 leaders from various key NGOs from all over Zimbabwe.

The Co-ordinator was one of the speakers at the event and presented a paper to the delegates. The highlight of the weekend was the group tour of the Great Zimbabwe monument.

This was described by the Co-ordinator as the most momentous part of his entire visit to the country since it was his very first time to tour the monument.

The Co-ordinator also led a brief group prayer meeting at the monument’s conical tower, that by the way is the main inspiration behind the logo of the GZF.




6. CONCLUSION

It is thus submitted in conclusion that the Co-ordinator’s visit to Zimbabwe was a resounding success. The visit managed to improve local perceptions about the crucial role of the Diaspora community back home in Zimbabwe. It also helped to raise the public profile of the GZF and enabled it to develop a massive contact data base of local NGO leaders for the GZF.

Last but not least, it also opened the doors for the GZF to initiate areas of programme partnerships with several relevant institutions. It is anticipated that the Co-ordinator will return to Zimbabwe early in 2009 to further explore areas of programme partnerships with the various local organizations and government institutions there.


For more details on the Zimbabwe trip or the GZF, please email 'globalzimforum@yahoo.com' or visit http://www.globalzimbabweforum.org/

large protests expected at SADC summit on Sunday ( as SA growing impatient with Zimbabwe impasse: Zuma - 6 November 2008

By Tichaona Sibanda
5 November 2008

Thousands of demonstrators are expected to take to the streets of Pretoria
in South Africa on Sunday, during the SADC summit on Zimbabwe.

A wide coalition of placard waving Zimbabwean groups will march to the venue
of the summit to hand over a petition to the regional grouping, calling on
the leaders to stop the rot in Zimbabwe.

Leaders from the 15-nation SADC bloc will be meeting to discuss the deadlock
in talks between Morgan Tsvangirai and Robert Mugabe over the formation of a
coalition government.

Nickson Nyikadzino, a pro-democracy activist, told us from Johannesburg that
Zimbabweans in South Africa will register their discontent over Mugabe's
intransigence in forming an inclusive government. Mugabe and Tsvangirai
signed a power-sharing agreement in September, but the establishment of a
unity government has stalled as Mugabe shows that he is not prepared to
fairly allocate important ministries to the MDC. Former South African
President Thabo Mbeki and the SADC have been trying to broker an end to the
dispute.

'We want to send clear message to Mugabe and the SADC leaders that people in
Zimbabwe are dying unnecessarily because ZANU PF does not want to share
power equally with its partners in the tripartite power-sharing deal,'
Nyikadzino said.

He said Sunday's march against the regime is expected to be by far the
largest. Authorities in South Africa have remained tight-lipped over the
summit venue but South African based journalist Brian Latham confirmed the
crisis summit is to be held in Pretoria, although authorities have not said
anything about the exact venue.

Nyikadzano said they have information that authorities are trying to
frustrate them from going ahead with their protest, citing their
unwillingness to disclose the summit venue. He said they are working round
the clock to get that information before Sunday.

'We know they (authorities) become averse when it comes to issues pertaining
to protests against Mugabe whenever he's in the country. But that won't stop
us from registering our disapproval against him and his party,' Nyikadzino
added.

SA growing impatient with Zimbabwe impasse: Zuma

http://www.sabcnews.com

ANC President Jacob Zuma has signalled to Zimbabwean leaders that South
Africa may be getting impatient with the way power-sharing talks are
stalling. Zuma says Zimbabwean leaders should not be allowed to apply
delaying tactics which could derail power-sharing talks.

Southern African Development Community (SADC) leaders will hold an emergency
summit in Pretoria on Sunday aimed at breaking a deadlock in negotiations.
Zuma says the weekend talks are a last opportunity to compromise on
political disagreements. He says he agrees with those calling on SADC to
exert more political pressure on President Robert Mugabe and the MDC to
immediately enforce the September 15 power-sharing deal.

Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's government has also accused Botswana
President Ian Khama of interference. It says his call for fresh elections to
solve Zimbabwe's political crisis was an act of extreme provocation. Khama,
who has emerged as one of Mugabe's staunchest critics in Africa, has told
Botswana's parliament that an election was the only way out of the deadlock
that has thrown a power-sharing deal between Mugabe and the opposition MDC
into doubt.

Zimbabwean Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa says Khama has no right under
international law as an individual or country to interfere his country's
domestic affairs. A smaller SADC meeting in Harare last month failed to
break the impasse.

Source: Swradioafrica

Obama MAkes History

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WASHINGTON – His name etched in history as America's first black president, Barack Obama turned from the jubilation of victory to the sobering challenge of leading a nation worried about economic crisis, two unfinished wars and global uncertainty.

"The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep," Obama cautioned.

Young and charismatic but with little experience on the national level, Obama smashed through racial barriers and easily defeated Republican John McCain to become the first African-American destined to sit in the Oval Office, America's 44th president. He was the first Democrat to receive more than 50 percent of the popular vote since Jimmy Carter in 1976.

"It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this date in this election at this defining moment, change has come to America," Obama told a victory rally of 125,000 people jammed into Chicago's Grant Park.

Obama scored an Electoral College landslide that redrew America's political map. He won states that reliably voted Republican in presidential elections, like Indiana and Virginia, which hadn't supported the Democratic candidate in 44 years. Ohio and Florida, key to Bush's twin victories, also went for Obama, as did Pennsylvania, which McCain had deemed crucial for his election hopes.

With just 76 days until the inauguration, Obama is expected to move quickly to begin assembling a White House staff and selecting Cabinet nominees.

Campaign officials said Illinois Rep. Rahm Emanuel was the front-runner to be Obama's chief of staff. The advisers spoke on a condition of anonymity because the announcement had not yet been made.

Democrats expanded their majority in both houses of Congress. In the Senate, Democrats ousted Republicans Elizabeth Dole of North Carolina and John Sununu of New Hampshire and captured seats held by retiring GOP senators in Virginia, New Mexico and Colorado. Still, the GOP blocked a complete rout, holding the Kentucky seat of Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell and a Mississippi seat once held by Trent Lott — two top Democratic targets.

In the House, with fewer than a dozen races still undecided, Democrats captured Republican-held seats in the Northeast, South and West and were on a path to pick up as many as 20 seats.

When Obama and running mate Joe Biden take their oath of office on Jan. 20, Democrats will control both the White House and Congress for the first time since 1994.

"It is not a mandate for a party or ideology but a mandate for change," said Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid of Nevada.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi of California said: "Tonight the American people have called for a new direction. They have called for change in America."

After the longest and costliest campaign in U.S. history, Obama was propelled to victory by voters dismayed by eight years of George W. Bush's presidency and deeply anxious about rising unemployment and home foreclosures and a battered stock market that has erased trillions of dollars of savings for Americans.

Six in 10 voters picked the economy as the most important issue facing the nation in an Associated Press exit poll. None of the other top issues — energy, Iraq, terrorism and health care — was selected by more than one in 10. Obama has promised to cut taxes for most Americans, get the United States out of Iraq and expand health care, including mandatory coverage for children.

Obama acknowledged that repairing the economy and dealing with problems at home and overseas will not happen quickly. "We may not get there in one year or even in one term," he said. "But, America, I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you, we as a people will get there."

McCain conceded defeat shortly after 11 p.m. EST, telling supporters outside the Arizona Biltmore Hotel, "The American people have spoken, and they have spoken clearly."

"This is an historic election, and I recognize the special significance it has for African-Americans and the special pride that must be theirs tonight," McCain said. "These are difficult times for our country. And I pledge to him tonight to do all in my power to help him lead us through the many challenges we face."

Obama faces a staggering list of problems, and he mentioned some of them in his victory speech. "Even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime — two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century." He spoke of parents who worry about paying their mortgages and medical bills.

"There will be setbacks and false starts," Obama said. "There are many who won't agree with every decision or policy I make as president. And we know the government can't solve every problem."

The son of a Kenyan father and a white mother from Kansas, the 47-year-old Obama has had a startlingly rapid rise, from lawyer and community organizer to state legislator and U.S. senator, now just four years into his first term. He is the first senator elected to the White House since John F. Kennedy in 1960.

Bush called Obama with congratulations at 11:12 p.m. EST. "I promise to make this a smooth transition," the president said. "You are about to go on one of the great journeys of life. Congratulations and go enjoy yourself." He invited Obama and his family to visit the White House soon.

Bush planned to make a statement about the election at midmorning Wednesday in the Rose Garden.

With most U.S. precincts tallied, the popular vote was 51.9 percent for Obama and 46.8 percent for McCain. But the count in the Electoral College was lopsided in Obama's favor over McCain — 349 to 147 as of early Wednesday, with three states still to be decided. Those were North Carolina, Georgia and Missouri.

Obama won California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, the District of Columbia, Florida, Hawaii, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Virginia, Vermont, Washington and Wisconsin.

McCain had Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, Idaho, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, West Virginia and Wyoming. He also won at least 3 of Nebraska's five electoral votes, with the other two in doubt.

Almost six in 10 women supported Obama nationwide, while men leaned his way by a narrow margin, according to interviews with voters. Just over half of whites supported McCain, giving him a slim advantage in a group that Bush carried overwhelmingly in 2004.

The results of the AP survey were based on a preliminary partial sample of nearly 10,000 voters in Election Day polls and in telephone interviews over the past week for early voters.

In terms of turnout, America voted in record numbers. It looks like 136.6 million Americans will have voted for president this election, based on 88 percent of the country's precincts tallied and projections for absentee ballots, said Michael McDonald of George Mason University. Using his methods, that would give 2008 a 64.1 percent turnout rate.

"That would be the highest turnout rate that we've seen since 1908," which was 65.7 percent, McDonald said early Wednesday.